Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 79)

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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 79)

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structure was always hierarchical in character, and differences among
the different members of the Hamula and among Hamulas were always
present.
Direct producers within the village/Hamula have always produced
more than enough to meet their consumption needs. They produced a
surplus in order to pay a variety of taxes, the most important of
which was the tithe. Usually payed in kind, the tithe was collected by
the Head of the Hamula, who in turn reaped the exchange value of the
surplus either directly by selling the produce on the market or
indirectly through a merchant or a trader. The actual relationship of
dependence which in £act emerged from this form of production, was
between the direct producers and the head of the village/Hamula and
not, as some have argued, between the direct producers and the state
(Gozansky, 1986; Saed, 1985). The relationship between the state and
the direct producers was always mediated and never direct.
In a survey published in 1945-6, it was observed that the Ottoman
state had little control over the levying of tithes from peasants
holding Amiri land. Tithes were collected infrequently by state
officials, and through public auction. The inefficiency of this system
of tithe collection, according to the survey, resulted in some
fallaheen managing to escape paying their dues entirely, while heads
of Hamulas often succeeded in contributing only a fraction of the
tithe they extracted from the peasants. (7) Thus it has been observed
that the "Fai'td" (i.e. the difference between what the head collects
from the peasants and what he pays to the state as tithe) had, in many
cases, exceeded the amount of the tithe itself (Barakat, 1975:13).
The economic responsibility assumed by the Head of the Hamula
65
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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation

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المنشئ

Nahla Abdo-Zubi

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