Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 129)

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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 129)

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the transfer was in fact "low" and “reasonable". (13)
Yet, the price offered in the sale contracts was not for land only.
For the price offered, “all the buildings, mills,trees, forests, the
two water scurses..and the diggings" were supposed to be included in
the transfer. (14)
The "Land development Company" in fact paid for the land without
first having it surveyed. Their own survey conducted after the sale,
however, showed that more land was obtained than was actually paid
for. Thus, in one case only, the village of Maa'lul (in the Marj
deal), the size of the land entered in the sale document was
registered at 17,813d. After the land was surveyed its actual size
was estimated at 19,500d. (15)
It is important to note here that the sale documents includes
contradictory information. The direct correspondance between the
purchasers (the L.D.C) and the sellers (the Sursuks) refer to 71,356d.
as the actual size of land to be purchased. However, correspondance
between the Zionists themselves, that is between the Zionist
Organization, Palestine branch and the Zionist Organization, London
main branch, reference is usually made to 100,000d. which the L.D.C
believed it will obtain after the transfer.(16)
The discussion so faz reveals that the so-called "high" price paid
for the Marj land was, to say the least, not the sole reason for the
Sale. If this was not the main reason then what could it have been?
In the following, it will be shown, that a larger political force,
namely, British colonial policies were involved in this case. These
policies which included both legal and violent means were the
determining force in the process of land transfer. In 1856 when the
Ottoman Land Ordinance was introduced, it included specific clauses
115
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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation

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المنشئ

Nahla Abdo-Zubi

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