Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 200)

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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation (ص 200)

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4s based on the fact that London, which was Palestine'’s largest
international market for citrus, had found better deals. Cheaper and
good quality oranges, from Spain, flooded the London market during
this period. Exports to London did indeed decline during this period:
from 94 per cent of the total citrus exported from Palestine in 1926-
27, London imported 86.7 per cent in 1927-28; 79.9 per cent in 1928-29
and only 69.3 per cent in 1929-39. (28)
This view, it must be noted, is only partially correct. The data
for 1926-29 (Tables 8 and 9) can also be explained by the fact that
citrus needs a maturation period of at least 5 years. For example,
figures for 1924-26, (Tables 8 and 3) compared to those for the same
period in table 7, seem quite contradictory. Compared to the decline
in this period of citrus export (Table 8), land under citrus (Table 7)
plantation expanded. Citrus trees which were planted in 1926 did not
start to bear fruit before 1931, and those planted in 1327 did net
start to bear fruit until 1932,..etc., (Himadeh, 1937:234).
The years 1926-29 taken by the Director of survey as a basis’ for
his explanation do not indicate this tendency. The Jewish capitalist
sector of this industry had just started to develop.
Moreover, the partial closing of the London market in the face of
Palestine's citrus export is only correct as long as the capitalist
sectors of the economy remain dependent on this one market. As will be
shown shortly, the expansion, in particular, of the Jewish capitalist
citrus industry has opened up other markets besides that of London.
Data used so far show the vast expansion in the citrus branch cf
agricultural capitalism for the whole of Palestine. The only
breakdown by “sectors" provided by official statistics is with regard
186
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Colonial Capitalism and Rural Class Formation

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Nahla Abdo-Zubi

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