From the Pages of the Defter (ص 39)

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From the Pages of the Defter (ص 39)

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Agricultural Bank.” | also argue that land forfeiture was far from preordained in the event of
loan default.
Doumani argues the opposite. He suggests that the infrastructure of market
mechanisms that developed before the Tanzimat to permit transactions in land-as-
commodity, paved the way for urban economic domination of the countryside after the
institutionalization of these rights during the era of Land Code reforms.*® His argument
dovetails with the conventional paradigm:
The 1858 law, which required the registration of lands, must have seemed
to the peasants like yet another initiative by the Ottoman government to
improve its tax collection efforts and to acquire knowledge about
individual persons for conscription purposes. This perception was not far
from the truth, and it helps explain the peasants’ lack of cooperation in
implementing the law. Unfortunately for the peasants, their unwillingness
to vigorously pursue the registration of their lands in their own names
made it easier for urban notables to lay claim to these lands and to expand
their holdings.””
The Historiographical Paradigm Today
Until the introduction of the Law of Tapu of 1858...registration was
voluntary. ... Moreover, the natives—often completely unaware of the
meaning of concepts such as ‘private property’—feared ‘collateral effects’
that would follow registration: tax and conscription in the army. This mix of
suspicion and hostility towards the newly introduced provision were
*” This follows an argument Amos Nadan has made for the Mandate period in his The Palestinian Peasant
Economy Under the Mandate: A Story of Colonial Bungling (Cambridge, MA and London, UK: Harvard
University Press, 2006).
38 Doumani, 159.
? Ibid.
22

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From the Pages of the Defter

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Susynne McElrone

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