The Dispossession of the Peasantry (ص 292)

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عنوان

The Dispossession of the Peasantry (ص 292)

المحتوى

276
possibility of capital accumulation necessary for intensive cultivation. As for the
investment in citrus plantations, it was undertaken by moneylenders and
“merchants and not villagers.” Thus, “proletarianization [was] not the outcome of
village socioeconomic change or, primarily, of the expropriation of peasants,” but
“as a process {that was] dependent on wage opportunities external to the Arab
village.” They explain the “lack” of expropriation of peasants as follows:
Even though a high percentage of land area remained in the hands of
a small number of wealthy landlords, the composition of the rural
population was that of small and very smallholders, most of them
(68-70 percent) remained owners of the land they cultivated. As for
the 30-32 percent classified as landless in 1930, this does not mean
that they were homeless or vagrants; they were village dwellers
also.”
The lack of urbanization and homelessness was thus associated with the lack of
internal differentiation.
Carmi and Rosenfeld’s analysis is deficient in its theoretical formulations
and empirical applications, as well as in what they chose to ignore. The most
important and obvious example of the latter was their ignoring the impact of
European settlement and government policies on the rural population.*? The only
mention of European settlers and the government was in reference to their
provision of work to villagers at different times. Thus, what we have here is an
Carmi and Rosenfeld, 474.
On this point, see Elia Zureik, “Toward a Sociology of the Palestinians,”
Journal of Palestine Studies 6, no. 4 (Summer 1977): 3-16; and Khalil Nakhleh,
“Anthropological and Sociological Studies on the Arabs in Israel: A Critique,”
Journal of Palestine Studies 6, no. 4 (Summer 1977): 42-70.
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The Dispossession of the Peasantry

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المنشئ

Riyad Mousa

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