Palestine: A Modern History (ص 84)

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Palestine: A Modern History (ص 84)

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196 Prelude to Revolution: 1930-1935
Hajj Amin’s main opponents were the Naslushibis who were more
pro-British than he was and théir accusations against him that he was
acting under Wauchope’s instructions were ineffective. On the other
hand there was no real challenge from the more militant Arab
nationalist groups as the /stiqglal Party had ceased to be an effective
organised force in the latter part of ‘1938, partly owing to Hajj Amin’s
efforts to sabotage their reputation and position within the national
movement.™ According to Emile Ghoury, one of Hajj Amin’s more
eloquent and educated assistants, the Mufti had worked out an under-
standing of cooperation and alliance with many of the leading
Istiglalists following the decline of the Party in 1933.8"
In the wake of the 1933 riots, the Mufti persevered in his conciliatory
attitude towards the British without -attaching great hopes to any
significant change in British policy. Wauchope was convinced that Hajj
Armin was moderate and willing to help the Government maintain
order:
I am confident that the Mufti likes me, respects me and is anxious
to help me...He realizes the folly of unlawful demonstration and
clases with the authority but he fears that the criticisms of his
many opponents that he is too British may weaken his influence in
the country. The fact, however, that his influence is on the side of
moderation is'of definite value were it contrawise I consider wide-
spread disturbances would be inevitable.*”
Hajj Amin’s reverence for authority, and ‘the folly of unlawful
demonstration’ reflected his fear of British military prowess and his
realization that the Arabs could not possibly win in a head-on collision
with Britain. Of the other hand as a léader of the national movement in
Palestine he could not remain quiescent while Zionist immigration was
assuming ‘threatening proportions.
Self-Organisation
The Aftab Bank, established in 1930, was strengthened in 1934 to
become a major financial and political Arab national institution. An
Arab agricultural Bank was started with a capital of £60,000 for
development of Arab land. The (Arab) Natiohal Fund campaigned for
ublic subscriptions and started ‘buying lands that ‘would otherwise
have been sdid to the Jews. An active propaganda campaign against
sales of land to Jews was waged by the Supreme Muslim Council in the
mosques and in the Arab Press. Small landowners were encotraged
Prelude to Revolution: 1930-1935 « 177
to register their lands as farhily Waqfs ‘to prevent subsequent
alienation. -
A more difficult task to cope with was the prevention of illicit
Jewish immigration Which‘ was on the increase owing to greater Nazi
pressures on German Jewry. This task was entrusted to the Arab Youth
Conference which organised Arab Scout units to patrol the coasts and
intercept boats smuggling Jewish immigrants during the night.
Another measure of self-defence ,and self-organisation was brought
about by the Histadrut’s attempt to prevent the eriployment of Arab
labour by Jewish entrepreneurs through ‘intimidation of employer and
employed’. Arab Labour Garrisons to prevent intimidation and
attacks by Jewish labour were formed in Jerusalem, Jaffa and Haifa.
These were followed by the formation of Arab Labotr Cofnmittees
which made their political debut on the occasion of? thé Balfour,
anniversary when the transport workers observed’ a natiofial strike.
The third Arab fationalist demand, that of self-governing
institutions could not be achieved without the cooperation of the
British. Hajj Amin told ‘Wauchope that the Arabs «looked forward
towards a Parliament with full powers and not to a Legislative Council
with limited powers’.** The Arabs, in fact’, were willing to accept a
Legislative Council where the demographic composition of**the
population would be reflected: Zionist opposition‘to thé Legislative
Council proved insurmountable and no substantial’:progress ‘on this
issue was made before the latter-part of 1935.8” '
Instead of establishing a national self‘governing institution which
would focus the Palestinians’ attention’on the basic issues at stake and
promote a sense of purposefulness to-the Arabs’ political efforts against
the JNH policy, Wauchope introduced 4ri‘electoral side-show oh the
local municipal level. This innocuous dose of participatory democracy
sharpened family dissensions and rivalries as might have been’ expected.
However, the defeat of Ragheb-Nashashibi in the Jetusalent Municipal
eléctiqns of 1934 upset the Husseifii-Nashashibi balance, which had been
maintained since 1920, and concentrated More powet- in thé hands of
Hajj Amin. The bitterness engendered by the elections and the death of
Musa Kazem dealt a final flow to the moribund Arab Executive, and
each political faction proceeded to form a party of its éwr.
The Palestinian Arab Parties ‘a
Tlie first party to emerge in December :1934-was the National Defence
Party headed by Ragheb Nashashibi. Four months Idter the Palestine
Arab Party emerged led by Jafnal Husseini, the Mufti’s political
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هو جزء من

Palestine: A Modern History

تاريخ

1978

المنشئ

Abdul-Wahhab Kayyali

مجموعات العناصر

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