Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 6)
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- Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 6)
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From this in particular, the concept of transformation gains its
universality.
As for the progress the PFLP has made in the transforma-
tion process, this is a matter for the Sth National Congress, for
which we have begun preparations. | personally do not rule out
the possibility that the next congress will judge that we have
completed the transformation process, or are on the verge of
completion. In the 4th National Congress, we said we had
made great and essential progress in this direction. Yet we did
not dare say that we were on the verge of completion, despite
great accomplishments on the political and organizational
levels. We stressed the necessity of completing the transfor-
mation in the field of ideology and the social structure of our
arty.
P i oday we give overwhelming attention to realizing the
dialectical link between all aspects of the party. Since transfor-
mation is a dialectical process, one cannot seperate one ele-
ment from another. Nonetheless, we sometimes give central
attention to a particular matter when we feel it is the weakest
link. This occurred in the late seventies when we focused on
the organizational issue. We succeeded in building the internal
life of the party on a Leninist basis. We deepened the founda-
tion of democratic centralism in the party life. Currently we are
focusing on ideological transformation. We are applying prog-
rams for this, ranging from theoretical courses, educational
programs and increasing the members’ concern for the educa-
tional field. | announce no secret when | say that over two-
thirds of our leaders have completed the Marxist-Leninist
requirements in the cadre schools of the socialist countries, as
have a large number of party cadres.
Transformation in the social structure of the party is a con-
stant item on our agenda, and we evaluate the results every
year. There is noticeable progress in this direction. Thus, we
are more convinced that we are headed in the right direction
with scientific steps and thorough programs.
Concerning the obstacles facing the PFLP’s complete
transformation into a Marxist-Leninist party: Based on my own
experience in the PFLP, from its foundation until now, | can
assure you that there are no real obstacles. We have passed
this stage of whether or not transformation is possible. Our
choice has become clear, and our identity is well defined. What
we need today is more time and efforts to apply our programs
and plans, so that our cadres and leadership can finish the dis-
tance remaining in this process.
There are still many obstacles to convening a
people’s conference for restoring the PLO to the
national line. What is the next step?
Allow me to take the chance to correct any wrong interpre-
tations of our call for a people’s conference. We see this as a
step towards returning the PLO to the national line after cancel-
lation of the Amman accord and all its consequences. The idea
of a people’s conference is a step forward, not the end of the
road, for returning the PLO to the national line and besieging
the deviationist trend. The dominating leadership of the PLO
has pursued a deviationist policy as preparation for entering a
unilateral solution. This leadership has sought to meet Richard
Murphy as a prelude to direct negotiations with the Zionist
enemy. Consequently, it was a must to say that this policy does
not represent the Palestinian people in any way. Rather, it is a
bold departure from the decisions of Palestinian national con-
sensus taken in the legitimate sessions of the PNC. After these
dangerous possibilities, there was a need for a practical step
that would lead to other steps in the confrontation process. The
6
people's conference was planned in order to produce a forum
that would follow up the eventualities facing the Palestinian
struggle, and take the required position, especially if meetings
with the US began, and more particularly, if direct negotiations
began with the Zionist enemy.
For this reason, we are still working for the convention of
a Palestinian people’s conference. It is a weapon in our hands,
that must not be abandoned or underestimated. Objectively
speaking, we need a forum for assembling all the Palestinian
nationalist factions, mass organizations and personalities. We
firmly believe that future political developments will reassert
the need for such a conference.
some may think that the PNC is the appropriate place to
judge the official policy of the PLO, and to try those responsible
for it; on this basis, they have reservations about the people’s
conference. However, it is known that the structure of the PNC
does not reflect the balance of forces in the Palestinian arena;
it is dominated by rightist elements supporting the deviating
trend. Thus, we do not think it is adequate for putting the
deviationist policy on trial and determinig that it does not repre-
sent our people and nationalist forces. Therefore, we call for
convening a people's conference.
There are several obstacles to convening this conference.
The most important concerns the aim of this conference,
because some factions think it should declare the creation of a
new PLO, or that the delegates will announce themselves as
the PLO. In either case, the result would be the same - consec-
ration of the final split in the PLO. On the other hand, there are
factions who fear that this conference might become the final
split, consecrating the existence of more than one PLO.
We reject the divisive choice, and adhere to the PLO as
the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
Thus, we see no.reason to fear the consecration of the split.
We are convinced that convening a people’s conference, in
accordance with the political rules that |! have indicated, would
not lead to this.
Why do we fear division, and exert all efforts to avoid its
consecration? This question leads us to look into the nature of
the PLO and the reasons why we strive to keep it united. We
agree with the definition of the PLO as the front for encompas-
sing all national forces and influential persons, as stated in a
PNC resolution. We recognize it as the Palestinian entity and
the symbol of our people's national identity. In addition, we see
the importance of the recognition it has on the Arab official and
mass level, and internationally, as the sole, legitimate rep-
resentative of the Palestinian people, in accordance with its
national political program. The PLO has observer status in the
UN, and is recognized by the General Assembly as the rep-
resentative of our people. The PLO is a full member of the non-
aligned movement and the Islamic Conference. Even though
Palestine is not an African country, the PLO is an honorary
member of the OAU, in addition to other international organiza-
tions. The PLO has full diplomatic status in all the socialist
countries and a number of friendly countries.
We realize that some Arab and foreign countries recog-
nize the PLO only hesitantly or under pressure. They are wait-
ing for the chance to back out of this. | don't think they will find
a better chance or excuse to do so than if the PLO is split into
two organizations. Then they would back out of their recogni-
tion which was imposed by the Palestinian national uprising
from the mid-seventies until the 1982 invasion. Our fear of divi-
sion and its destructive consequences forces us to be patient
in treating this crisis.
This is the substance of the problem concerning the - هو جزء من
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