Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 7)
غرض
- عنوان
- Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 7)
- المحتوى
-
people's conference. Once the main problem concerning the
aim has been overcome, the other problems, such as the form
or location, will not present obstacles.
In the meantime, the obstacles to convening the people's
conference have revealed the difficulties stemming from the
different political thinking of the forces that are expected to
constitute the revolutionary alternative to the deviating
bourgeois leadership. The disagreements between these
forces, on matters of this type, points to the depth of the difficul-
ties involved. The dialogue that followed the proposal of the
conference showed the extent of the problems blocking its
convention. Still, | would like to assure that these obstacles will
not alter our adherence to the idea. We will continue struggling
for such a conference, because we feel it is needed, especially
if we are faced with more deviating steps. To make it easier to
overcome these obstacles, we must accomplish an immediate
task: Gathering all the national and democratic forces and
independent figures on the basis of a clear political program for
confronting deviation and returning the PLO to the national line
as spelled out in legitimate PNC sessions. if such agreementis
reached, it would form the main prerequisite for convening a
successful people’s conference.
Many initiatives have been proposed for solving
the PLO’s crisis. What is your opinion about them?
To us, it is understandable that there is such a variety of
opinions about how to solve the crisis. The PLO is the signific-
ant achievement of our people over 20 years of struggle and
sacrifice; it is dear to our hearts and minds; we would sincerely
like to extricate it from the crisis. The ideas for this vary in
accordance with the ideological and class origins of the forces
involved in the Palestinian national liberation movement, just
as they do on positions, alliances and actions.
| will not go into details about all the initiatives that have
been proposed, but generally, they fall into two main
categories: First is the idealistic view that thinks that com-
prehensive dialogue, extensive meetings and calls for unifica-
tion can solve the crisis, restoring national unity in the
framework of the PLO. This view is only supported by moral
arguments. We will not be able, in this way, to root out the
causes for the disruption of national unity, most important the
Amman accord.
The second view is a scientific one that sees that the
bourgeoisie has deviated and is following a policy dictated by
its own nature and interests. Accordingly, national unity can
only be achieved by a long process of struggle that would block
the US solution in practice, and force the deviating leadership
to retreat from its position. Then, comprehensive national unity
could be established on a strong base. In the light of this evalu-
ation, itis clear that we support any initiative that seriously aims
at cancelling the Amman accord, restoring the PLO to the
national line, and mobilizing the broadest forces to make the
needed changes in the PLO’s structure.
Since its formation, the PNSF has not progressed
beyond agreeing on a political program and
enacting some coordinated steps. In this light,
what is your evaluation of the PNSF?
To start with, | would like to draw attention to the difficulties
encountered in front work. How we evaluate front work usually
differs radically from how we evaluate party issues, especially
concerning how to deal with issues of difference and how they
are expressed. A front framework means that there are issues
agreed upon, while other issues constitute points of difference.
There must thus be a common ground guaranteeing a formula
for joint action, with each faction reserving the right to express
its views on points of difference without impairing the funda-
mentals of front work.
Front work is even more complex for a national liberation
movement which lacks a deep understanding of the rules for
front work, and has not produced a successful vanguard
experience in this field. This is especially true at dangerous
turning points like that experience by the Palestinian revolution
today. Although Palestinian experience in front work has not
been comprehensively evaluated during the past twenty years,
we can Say that we have encountered many obstacles which
seriously hampered or paralyzed such work. The main reason
for this is the hegemonic and individualistic policy of the Pales-
tinian bourgeoisie within the PLO’s institutions. This under-
mined many fundamentals of front work. In addition, some
ultraleft concepts infiltrated the Palestinian national arena.
Although these were not primary, they did leave their mark on
front work.
Front work is based on coalition on the common ground,
and each faction’s own expression on matters of difference.
This means that not everything is dealt with in a national front.
The concept of democratic centralism, where the minority
adheres to the majority’s decision, cannot be applied here. In
this context, we can understand the problems and obstacles
encountered by the PNSF, for it is an extension of the Palesti-
nian experience in this field. Thus, persistent efforts are
needed to overcome obstacles and factionalism, and to estab-
lish the principles of front work.
To return to the question, its implication about the prob-
lems of the PNSF is correct. This must be admitted in order to
put a finger on the problems, diagnose and overcome them. At
every PFLP Politbureau meeting, we examine the situation
and development of the PNSF, because in truth it has not met
the standard to which we aspired. However, in the last
analysis, we view the PNSF as an important step. It brought
together six nationalist factions opposed to the deviationist
trend. This in itself is a great step forward, and we treat the
problems of the PNSF with the intention of safeguarding it.
This, however, is not to belittle the serious problems that exist,
the most important ones being the following:
1. Though the PNSF brought together six factions, two
nationalist factions remained outside: The Palestinian Com-
munist Party and the DFLP. When a solution to this problem
was sought, two opposing views emerged. One side, while
adhering to the PNSF program, thought that a broader
framework should be sought to include these remaining fac-
tions and a larger number of prominent nationalist figures. The
PFLP adopted this view. Our adherence to the framework and
program of the PNSF does not conflict with being sufficientiy
flexible to continue the process of rallying the forces opposed
to deviation.
The other side advocates keeping things as they are, with-
out rallying or gathering more forces, in order to avoid ventur-
ing into the political flexibility this requires. They have a
maximalist view of the PNSF program when dealing with new
developments after the Amman accord. We see them asking
for amending the PNSF program in a way that does not corres-
pond to the purpose for which it was created, i.e., restoring the
PLO to the national line.
2. Other problems encountered had to do with the differ-
ences which arose among some of the PNSF factions with
respect to assessing the political developments after the >»
7 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 13
- تاريخ
- يناير ١٩٨٦
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
Contribute
Not viewed