Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 8)
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- Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 8)
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Amman accord. The main issue of difference was how these
new developments affected the program of the PNSF.
The PFLP emphasized, from the very start, that the PNSF
was a temporary framework for restoring the PLO to its
national line, not a substitute for the PLO. We have constantly
been careful to prevent the PNSF from making the mistake of |
perpetrating the final split or creating substitutes. This is based
on our deep awareness of the danger such a split would entail.
Yet we feel that this stand will not last forever if the rightist
leadership continues to make concessions to the imperialist-
reactionary-Zionist alliance. We are of the opinion that if things
reach the point where the rightist leadership actually gets
involved in direct negotiations, claiming to speak in the name of
our people, then we will not hesitate to declare that we are the
PLO and that they represent only themselves. we do not over-
look the problem of timing and preparation concerning such an
historical step. We consider this issue to be of utmost impor-
tance. We are anxious for it to be dealt with in complete coordi-
nation with our main Arab and international allies. We are
neither willing or able to tackle issues of such historic impor-
tance on a strictly national basis.
In contrast to our point of view, there are those who advo-
cate taking the recent developments as an opportunity for
revising the program of the PNSF in a way that proposes the
PNSF as the PLO. They call for such a declaration to be made.
Objectively, this would finalize the split. at least, this is how it
would be understood internationally. We did differ with this
view which does not give sufficient consideration to our inter-
national friends and allies. We feel that we should think care-
fully, especially when our international allies warn us, before
embarking on any new, qualitative step, because we are all
part of one movement, and coordination between us is of the
utmost importance.
3. There are other problems related to more far-reaching
political issues, for example, how to understand the PLO and
the decisions of the PNC (especially the 16th session); the
international conference and the Soviet initiative; and the
interim program of return, self-determination and an indepen-
dent state.
Two points of view emerged on the above issues. The first
considers that those who want to inherit the PLO and continue
its course, must not abandon the PLO’s heritage - the National
Charter, the decisions of the legitimate PNC sessions, and its
Arab and international alliances. Otherwise, it cannot be said
that they represent the PLO. They must also be aware that
when the world recognized the PLO, and established alliances
with it, this was on this condition, in accordance with this herit-
age. Whosoever deviates from this heritage deviates from the
PLO itself.
The other point of view considers it necessary to radically —
revise this heritage, including the program and principle tenets.
They justify this by saying that this heritage is the product of the
right-wing, so it must be taken apart and reassembled. Need-
less to say, this view opens the door wide to various dangers
and ‘revisionist’ trends which could drag the Palestinian arena
into a whirlpool of internal splits and conflicts.
These are, in short, the most important problems confront-
ing the PNSF, which we are constantly trying to overcome ina
positive spirit and with patience, because we want to
safeguard this experiment, and because we are confident that
it can be successful. | can record the success of the PNSF in
terms of overcoming the camp war, at the same time preserv-
ing its own unity. That period was, as,you know, very difficult for
the entire revolution. This experience gives us confidence and
8
hope. In addition, the fact that everyone considers the main
battle to be that levelled at the deviationist trend, objectively
motivates all to persevere in overcoming obstacles.
Some of the revolutionary democratic forces
joined the PNSF, while others remained outside.
How do you view this, and how can it be over-
come?
Before answering the question specifically, | want to Say
that the failure of the first unity experience of the revolutionary
democratic forces (PFLP and DFLP) does not mean that the
principle is wrong or sterile. We firmly believe in the principle of
the unity of the revolutionary democratic forces, because its
historical value is an established fact. Moreover, this principle
has been organizationally approved by our leadership, and
dealt with extensively in our basic documents.
Our presence in the PNSF does not prevent us from con-
tinuing to consider the unity of the revolutionary democratic
forces. We will strive enthusiastically and persistently to realize
this goal. We are ready to deal with any new unity experience
between the revolutionary democratic forces with an open
mind and heart, when the conditions are ripe. We are aware
that the division of the revolutionary democratic forces has
negative effects on the Palestinian arena; it had consequences
which we didn't wish for.
Today we are pleased that there is a degree of closeness
between the revolutionary democratic forces and coordination
in joint activities. At such moments, talk of unity intensifies.
However, as you know the situation is always moving, and the
region is always pregnant with possibilities. | am afraid we
would not reach united answers to changing events. | say this
because of past joint experience. To illustrate, after some time
we will be confronted with two possibilities: One is that the
deviationist leadership will continue making concessions until
arriving at the negotiations table with the Zionist-imperialist
enemy. The second is that the leadership might retreat from
the miserable option it has chosen after realizing its futility in
the face of the Zionist enemy’s intransigence, and that the
plans to eradicate the PLO and Palestinian cause are continu-
ing. What will be our answer to these two possibilities?
In the case of the first possibility, we will not hesitate to
declare that we are the PLO, the sole, legitimate representa-
tive of our people, and those negotiating represent only them-
selves. We will find that all progressive national forces will
(
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- Democratic Palestine : 13
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