Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 21)
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- Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 21)
- المحتوى
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forces would enable the revolution’s leadership to recruit all the
Palestinian militants and the masses of our people who are
capable of practicing their militant duties. The rightist leader-
ship had sufficient resources at its disposal to recruit tens of
thousands of our people to fight the liberation bettle.
Yet time passed; the rightist leadership talked about find-
ing a solution to this matter, but it was never serious about
seeking a true unification of the forces of the Palestinian
revolution. We have suffered a great deal from this dispersion
in the military field, since all the PLO’s military potentials were
in the hands of the right; nothing was allotted to the PFLP. The
fighters of the PFLP did not receive the necessary help or pro-
visions. What did exist was a form of ad hoc coordination on
the leadership level in the time of battle, but this was not the
expression of a real unity of the Palestinian revolution. Many
battles had negative results due to the lack of a united leader-
ship with a single tool and plan. There is no doubt that this issue
is completely linked with the political differences. Yet even
when there was agreement on the main political issues, the
rightist leadership showed no enthusiasm about uniting the
military forces on the basis proposed by the PFLP and other
revolutionary democratic forces. The rightist leadership
wanted all these factions to be under its command. They were
not prepared to give these organizations the right to organiza-
tional independence. There were thus many obstacles facing
the unity of the forces of the Palestinian revolution.
In addition, there is the role of some of the Arab regimes in
preventing the unity of the Palestinian revolution, because of
what such a united revolution would constitute in terms of milit-
ant, political and fighting ability. The main concern of these
regimes has been to abort the revolution, so that it will not
become the revolution of all the Palestinian masses, effective
and influential on all levels. The right-wing has achieved some
of the reactionary regimes’ goals in this field.
What applies to unity in the military field applies to unity in
the social, political and other fields of interest to our masses
inside and outside our land. Among these issues is the Palesti-
nian National Front in the occupied territories which was
blocked by the Palestinian right. After all the differences, prob-
lems and divisions that have occurred in the Palestinian arena,
this slogan of uniting the forces of the revolution must be raised
by all democratic and nationalist Palestinian forces, for such
unity is essential for confronting the tremendous conspiracy
against our people, revolution and cause. This slogan is raised
by the PFLP and we seek to achieve it via the Salvation Front
and by uniting the forces opposed to the policies of deviation
and liquidation.
It is true that this is a very complex and difficult matter
which needs a lot of time. Nevertheless, we must start with
practical steps. We were always enthusiastic about finding the
best platform for unity between the revolutionary democratic
forces in the Palestinian arena. We have been through an
experience with our comrades in the Democratic Front. This
failed, but that does not mean that we stop at that point. Rather
we must examine our mistakes and extract the lessons in order
to correct any shortcomings or mistakes that have occurred.
We must draw up the correct line and implement it in the best
possible form to unite the Palestinian arena on a clear political
line hostile to imperialism, Zionism and the deviationist and
liquidationist solutions. Once we agree on a political platform,
we can push for uniting our military forces, since no one faction
on its own can defeat the enemy. What is needed is a united
plan and leadership. This matter requires a lot of effort, mainly
from us as the PFLP. We believe in uniting the forces of the
Palestinian revolution, for this will give great benefits and posi-
tive results on the path of liberation and continuing the revolu-
tion until our people achieve their goals.
What does Arafat's November statement in Cairo,
about limiting the armed struggle, mean for the
Palestinian armed resistance as a whole?
We don't evaluate the Cairo statement only in terms of its
wording. Rather we see its content which aims to give a card to
US imperialism and Mubarak’s regime, based on their demand
that Arafat denounce armed struggle. In the terminology of US
‘imperialism and its allies, any armed struggle for liberation and
ending occupation, injustice and oppression, is illegal - ter-
rorism. These forces view the Palestinian resistance as a form
of terrorism. Therefore Arafat was called upon to announce
this stand. Thus, we consider that this declaration will eventu-
ally lead the rightist leadership to hand over the card of armed
struggle to the reactionary regimes and US imperialism, in
order to pave the way for dialogue with the US, or direct negoti-
ations with the Zionist enemy.
The PFLP and the Salvation Front have issued state-
ments clarifying our position on this declaration. In practice,
this declaration has its effects on some of the nationalist ele-
ments who oppose the line of deviation but are still (organiza-
tionally) affiliated to the rightist leadership. It didn’t in any way
effect the other forces in the Palestinian resistance. As a mat-
ter of fact, the Palestinian revolution’s forces in Lebanon con-
tinue to carry out their struggle, side-by-side with Lebanese
nationalist forces. The daily struggle of our masses in the
occupied land is continuing and increasing.
In our opinion, the nationalist fighting elements that are
still under the command of Fatah’s Central Committee, will not
accept the cancellation of armed struggle. Rather they will con-
tinue to struggle against the Zionist enemy, despite the posi-
tions of Arafat and his Central Committee. The only effect of
the declaration on the militants under the command of Fatah’s
Central Committee in the occupied land, will be reduction of the
support they get from this leadership.
We believe that the masses in the occupied land will reject
this declaration. The Palestinian arena will witness an escala-
tion of military activities. The reactionary forces that built their
hopes on the Cairo declaration, will find that it only represents
the one who made it and his followers. Our masses will tell
everyone heading for surrender, that this attempt will fail in the
face of their steadfastness.
What military efforts and preparations is the PFLP
making to support the ongoing mass struggle in
occupied Palestine?
The PFLP considers the occupied land as the primary
arena for confrontation with the Zionist enemy. Therefore the
main effort of the Politbureau and the military department is
directed toward this arena, aimed at stepping up our effective-
ness in all fields, especially military attacks. These efforts aim
at making our military activities in the occupied land continuous
and at the optimal level.
In many cases, our comrades launch operations without
our claiming them; there are many reasons for this. In the near
future, we will progress more in this field and our military ability
will improve in the occupied land. The Front’s leadership out-
side is wasting no time in upgrading our struggle in all fields in
the occupied land. This is being sensed by our masses in the
occupied land as well as outside.
21 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 13
- تاريخ
- يناير ١٩٨٦
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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