Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 11)
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- Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 11)
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ship and the rights and duties this entails. The organizational
structure of the party was also defined. The central bodies of
the organizations include the national congress, the central
committee and the politbureau. Then there are the leading
bodies for the Arab region, i.e. the leadership, the central com-
mittee and the congress. This is followed by the district leader-
ship and congress, the section leadership and congress and
the unit leadership and congress. Finally there are cells and
(study) circles.
The fourth national congress was held from April 28th to
May 3rd, 1981, under the slogan: «The 4th national congress
is an important step towards completing the PFLP’s transfor-
mation into a Marxist-Leninist party; establishing a united
Palestinian national front; stepping up the armed struggle;
defending the revolution and reinforcing its militant positions;
aborting capitulationist settlement efforts; and strengthening
militant inter-Arab and international relations.» The congress
discussed the reports proposed and elected a new central
committee and politbureau. It re-elected Dr. George Habash
as secretary general. The congress issued a political report
which clarified the general Palestinian, Arab and international
situation, as well as the tasks of the Front for the coming stage.
In addition, it defined the strategic tasks and the lessons
extracted from the experience of the Palestinian revolution.
The most important of these are: the necessity of providing
supportive operational bases for the Palestinian revolution;
struggle in stages; and struggle against the settlement trend
and its effects on the masses.
Fundamental Political Tenets:
1. The importance of political ideology
The PFLP emphasizes the importance of political ideol-
ogy and a correct political line, and the role this plays in the suc-
cess of the revolution: «A primary condition for success is a
clear vision of matters, a clear vision of the enemy and of the
revolutionary forces. In the light of this, the strategy for the bat-
tle is defined. Without this, the patriotic work would be spon-
taneous and improvised. »
2. The imperialist role of the Zionist entity
The primary aim of the Zionist invasion of Palestine was to
entrench an armed population base on which imperialism
could rely to confront the Arab liberation movement whose vic-
tory would pose a threat to imperialist interests in this vital reg-
ion of the world. It is not true that the Zionist invasion was a
result of the oppression of the Jews in Europe. It is also incor-
rect to separate this from imperialist plans for the region.
Moreover, it is incorrect to separate the battle with the Zionist
entity from the overall conflict between the masses and
imperialism, because there is an organic bond between ‘Israel’
and the Zionist movement on the one hand and international
imperialism on the other. The PFLP emphasizes the slogan:
«No coexistence with Zionism». It stipulates that eliminating
the Zionist entity is a precondition for establishing a just and
lasting peace in the region. The Front also considers that con-
fronting Zionism necessarily entails confronting imperialism as
well.
3. The position of Arab reaction in the conflict
The PFLP considers the contradiction with Arab reaction
as primary, not secondary. The PFLP does not advocate the
slogans «Non-interference in the affairs of the Arab states» or
«The Palestinian cause is above Arab conflicts». It considers
that the scientific specification of the position of Arab reaction
in the enemy camp protects the Palestinian revolution from its
maneuvers and plans. The absence of this specification rules
out clear vision. This does not mean that the Palestinian
revolution should shoulder the responsibility of inducing
change in the Arab countries and overthrowing their regimes.
Rather it means allying with the Arab mass movement and
progressive forces to overthrow any regime which betrays the
Palestinian cause.
4.The Arab bourgeoisie is unable to liberate
Palestine
The developments which followed the death of Gamal
Abdul Nasser in Egypt prove that the nationalist petit
bourgeoisie, which starts out by confronting imperialism upon
coming to power, gradually shifts to a position which con-
verges with imperialism, because of the growth of the interests
of this class while it is in power. Thus the relationship between
the revolution and the national bourgeoisie and its regimes is
one of alliance and conflict. There is alliance with this class and
its regimes, because of their hostility towards imperialism and
‘Israel’. There is conflict with them because of their strategy in
the battle of confrontation.
According to the PFLP, there are two strategies: «The
strategy of the petit bourgeoisie which, in theory and in prac-
tice, promotes the line of classical warfare by rebuilding the
military institutions. In contrast, there is the strategy of the
working class which, in theory and practice, is directed towards
guerrilla warfare and protracted people’s war fought by the
masses and led by the working class.» These two strategies
will coexist until the strategy of the working class finally
triumphs in the Palestinian and Arab arena. The PFLP adopts
this view of the bourgeoisie in order to protect the revolution
and masses, by preventing exaggeration of the role played by
this class. The PFLP cautions against the dangers involved if
the bourgeois class leads the alliance of the masses confront-
ing imperialism. It also stresses the fact that the bourgeoisie
can remain in the nationalist ranks when the working class and
its program lead the liberation battle.
5. The workers and peasants are the pillars of the
revolution, its main class material and its
leadership
The number of heroic deeds and sacrifices made by the
Arab and Palestinian masses in the conflict with the Zionist
enemy clearly negates the claim of those trying to blame the
masses for defeat. The PFLP relates this defeat to the class
structure of the leadership which headed the mass movement,
and considers that only the working class is capable of leading
the mass struggle to victory. The necessity of the Palestinian
and Arab working class leading the liberation battle is the most
important tenet of the PFLP. This does not, however, mean
confusing the stage of liberation with the stage of building
socialism. Nor does it mean ignoring the broad class alliance
which includes, in addition to the workers and peasants, the
petit bourgeoisie and sections of the national bourgeoisie.
6. The necessity of interlinking the Palestinian and
Arab national struggle
It is wrong to merge the Palestinian struggle within the
framework of the Arab national struggle. The slogan «For inde-
pendent Palestinian decision-making and action» is correct
when it pertains to protecting the Palestinian revolution from
the efforts of the bourgeois and reactionary Arab regimes to >»
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- Democratic Palestine : 13
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