Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 26)

غرض

عنوان
Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 26)
المحتوى
twenty years, then you are wrong. The
Amman accord means replacing the
program of Palestinian consensus, the
program for return, self-determination
and an independent state, with a prog-
ram for confederation with Jordan.
The Amman accord means relin-
quishing the big gain made when the
PLO received official Arab and interna-
tional recognition as the sole, legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people
and their cause. Moreover, the Amman
accord, in the minds of those who plan-
ned it, aims at. being the second link in
the chain of Camp David. It would
become the second link after the heroic
Lebanese people, together with Syria,
abolished the May 17th agreement. By
so doing, they negated the possibility
that this agreement would be the second
link in the application and Arabization of
the Camp David accords.
1985-the most difficult year
| will be honest with you, with my
comrades in the PFLP and the other fac-
tions of the Palestinian revolution, about
the reality of the events which our
revolution is now experiencing. The
Amman accord means the collapse of
the leadership that headed the struggle
for the past twenty years, but this leader-
ship still controls the path of the revolu-
tion and the PLO. That is why this year
has been the most difficult ever. | wanted
to say this clearly so that all democratic
and nationalist forces, and all honest
Palestinians, would prepare themselves
to accept the responsibility that rests on
their shoulders.
Still, there is no need to be
frightened or worried, because the class
forces that have borne the current
revolution on their shoulders and given
all the sacrifices, will always remain
mobilized around the national aims.
They will continue giving when there is a
new class leadership that devotes itself
to the masses. This leadership will con-
tinue the revolution despite all difficulties
and obstacles.
In the course of the Palestinian
national struggle, we have been through
other critical stages - in 1948, 1967,
1982. Stages of this kind have special
qualities. Since | have lived through this
long experience, from 1948 until now, |
have become aware of these qualities.
When we face such difficult times, the
masses may be hit by a case of tempor-
ary apathy. In the meantime, these dif-
ficulties also affect the vanguards, but in
a positive way. The vanguards start
drawing up plans for a new course for
26
the revolution, so that it continues and
victory will be achieved.
It is important to realize that this pro-
cess of salvaging the course of the
revolution is not quick and easy. It is a
matter of qualitative accumulation
whereby the revolution becomes bigger
and stronger and therefore able to con-
tinue.
Comrades, we all know that there
are sectors of our masses and
nationalist forces who still hope that
things haven't reached this level. They
think that those who chose this misera-
ble road will change their minds upon
perceiving the size of the concessions
demanded of them, and the arrogance
of the enemy with every concession they
give. However, the experience of the
past months has given a clear answer
concerning this matter.
Will the right-wing return?
Let me explain this point: There is a
group of people saying that the rightist
leadership has given these concessions
thinking to succeed in becoming a part-
ner in the settlement; once this leader-
Ship finds that itis still not accepted, it will
return to the national line in time to save
‘the PLO. The last few months have
given us the answer to this specific point.
Murphy refused to meet with the joint
Jordanian-Palestinian delegation. The
very same day, Yasir Arafat made a
speech to the effect that the US had
cheated him, for they had promised to
meet with the delegation. Moreover,
after Murphy's refusal to meet with the
joint delegation, the PLO headquarters
in Tunis were bombed; England refused
to meet the joint delegation in London.
Most people thought this would be
enough to make the deviating, rightist
leadership change its course, but did
this happen?
We will not discuss things on the
basis of wishes and speculations,
because there are plenty of these.
Rather, the events themselves give the
answer. At least three major events
dealt hard blows to this leadership. What
was their response? Did they return to
the national ranks? No, their answer was
the Cairo declaration in the presence of
Husni Mubarak. The statement in Cairo,
which is tied with the chains of Camp
David, cannot be judged simply by read-
ing the text. The statement told us that
this leadership will answer Israeli and
imperialist arrogance with more conces-
sions.
We are a scientific organization that
is not swayed by occasional comments
or nice words. We work according to
facts and reality. Yesterday, for exam-
ple, Mr. Milhem (member of the PLO
Executive Committee) said that the PLO
will not recognize 242 even if we return
to Jaffa. Every so often, Arafat declares
that we will use armed struggle. Our duty
is to protect our masses from such con-
fusion. The course of events proved that,
until now, this leadership answers the
attacks of Zionism and imperialism with
more concessions.
Thus, ! would like to declare that
when. these concessions reach to the
point of recognizing ‘Israel’ and direct
negotiations with it, we will in no way per-
mit the deviating right to continue saying
they represent the PLO and the aims of
the Palestinian people. At that point, we
will feel that it is our right and duty to
announce to the world that the national
and democratic Palestinian forces who
adhere to the national program, are the
ones that represent the PLO.
We feel that the forces of progress,
liberation and socialism in the world will
هو جزء من
Democratic Palestine : 13
تاريخ
يناير ١٩٨٦
المنشئ
الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين

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