Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 27)
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- Democratic Palestine : 13 (ص 27)
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stand with us and understand our posi-
tion. These forces will agree to our posi-
tion because their support is not commit-
ted to a particular faction or to Arafat; it is
to the Palestinian people, cause and
national independent state.
While relying on this analysis and
expectation concerning coming events,
our eyes will remain open to any con-
trary developments. | say this because
some people until now still think that the
rightist leadership will return to the
national line. | would like to caution them
against the balloons of confusion that
are floated to distract attention from the
rightist leadership's continuing devia-
tion.
When the Amman PNC was held in
November 1984, some said that we
must be patient. They said that this PNC
was only a question of where to convene
it; that it had no political implications; and
that there was no need to complicate
things. They said the PNC will be held in
Amman, and after that no more conces-
sions will be given. Many delegations
were sent to the socialist countries to
explain that convening the PNC in
Amman should not be considered more
than a question of finding a site.
In May, some raised the slogan of
national unity because of the tragic
camp war. Everywhere we went we
would hear that national unity was our
main weapon for confronting whoever
seeks to finish the Palestinian cause and
armed struggle. But what about the
Amman accord? Is it possible to unite
with such a political program? We asked
if they would cancel the Amman accord.
Their answer was that it was already
dead, but what happened afterwards?
We all saw the relentless efforts to con-
vene an Arab summit for the sole pur-
pose of getting official Arab support for
the Amman accora.
The latest example was the com-
munique after the illegitimate PLO Cent-
Honoring the martyrs in Shatila
ral Council met in Baghdad, calling for
national unity. It said we must agree; the
PLO is almost lost; we must all be
responsible and stand together in order
to save it. According to the communique,
a committee was formed to pursue this
task. Yet this same council that adopted
the resolution to form this committee,
adopted another resolution affirming the
Amman accord and the Cairo statement.
| worry about our masses’ being
exposed to this intentional and
dangerous campaign of confusion. In
the light of these campaigns, | say that
return to the national position is only
through declared and real cancellation
of the Amman accord by those who
signed it. Such cancellation is the criter-
ion for judging the entire course pursued
by the rightist leadership after the depar-
ture from Beirut.
The people’s interests take
priority
This is the right of all conscious,
self-respecting people and nationalist
organizations. The PLO was almost
destroyed as a result of this rightist
trend. Some are saying, «Don't set
impossible conditions» or «Don't expect
to get Arafat to admit that he was
wrong.» Yet Arafat is not more important
than the Palestinian people. Abdel! Nas-
ser criticized himself more than once.
The interests of the Palestinian people
take priority over everything. We have
seen the individualistic way Arafat con-
ducted the affairs of the PLO. This is why
| emphasize that he is the one to be held
responsible, first and foremost. Any self-
respecting, revolutionary, nationalist
force has the right to pass judgement on
this trend and its destructive effects on
the PLO. They have the right to demand
the reconstruction of the legislative and
executive bodies of the PLO, as a mea-
sure to protect the national cause.
Comrades, we do not see a possi-
bility that the rightist leadership will
return to the nationalist position. | hope
that this is clear. What we want is to pro-
vide a framework for all nationalist and
democratic forces - both Palestinian and
Arab - to confront the deviationist trend.
Another aim is to reassure friendly
forces and our allies, especially in
Democratic Yemen, Moscow and all the
socialist countries, whose opinion we
value very highly, that our past and pre-
sent position on unity is a sincere one.
Then they will concretely see that it is the
rightist leadership that is splitting the
Palestinian arena.
The Amman accord has dangerous
effects on our struggle in the occupied
territories. Jordan’s puppets were
revived, as were the village leagues.
The enemy began the process of imple-
menting ‘autonomy’ by appointing
Thafer al Masri instead of Bassam
Shakaa, the popular, elected mayor of
Nablus. This is the start of implementing
joint Israeli-Jordanian administration.
The official Jordanian delegation which
visited ‘Israel’, in addition to the secret
ones, are other examples of how Jordan
and ‘Israel’ are dividing the administra-
tive role. All of this has begun to emerge
as a result of the miserable political
choice made by the rightist leadership,
and the Amman accord.
Who throws the stones?
Yet there is another side to the pic-
ture. Our people’s response is the esca-
lation of armed resistance, as well as
political and mass struggle opposed to
the Amman accord § and_ the
capitulationist trend. The Zionists’ decla-
ration of the iron fist policy attests that
they feel the reaction of our people to the
deviationist trend. Thus, when | mention
that this painful situation, suffered by our
masses, must not cause fear or worry, |
say this after having given my words
much thought. After a time, we will wit-
ness a rectification of the revolution’s
situation.
| want to ask you this: Who has
fought the battles? Who has thrown the
molotov cocktails and the stones? Ans-
wer me that. Was it Freij? or Shawwa? or
Siniora? or Thafer al Masri? If it was
them throwing the bombs and stabbing
the Zionist enemy, then we would have
good reason to fear that our revolution is
on the verge of collapse. You know,
however, who the real fighters are - our
toiling, revolutionary classes; they will
continue the revolution.
In passing, | would like to mention
that we will continue the revolution
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