Democratic Palestine : 14 (ص 20)
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- Democratic Palestine : 14 (ص 20)
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Jordan
Repression for ‘Peace’
In our last issue, we printed the
statement of the Committee for the
Defense of Democratic Freedoms in
Jordan, about the arrest campaign
which had pushed the number of politi-
cal prisoners in King Hussein's jails to
300 by the end of November. Those
arrested are still detained and arrests
have continued. From mid-November
1985 to mid-January 1986, over 60
progressive nationalists were detained.
Repression is nothing new in Jor-
dan where a virtual state of martial law
reigns. All political parties are banned;
union organizing is severely restricted;
and an archaic military law allows for
arrest and detention without stated
charges. What distinguishes this par-
ticular campaign of repression is that
most of those targeted are leaders either
of trade or professional unions, or of Jor-
danian nationalist or Palestinian resis-
tance organizations. It is the first time the
Jordanian intelligence service has
arrested so many leading figures at one
time. As an example, the entire leader-
ship of the Jordanian Writers Associa-
tion in Irbid (northern Jordan) was
rounded up in November (see box).
Attacking trade unionists
There are several reasons why the
Jordanian intelligence service struck at
this particular time. One is related to the
internal scene. In the months preceding
the arrest campaign, trade union
activities had increased markedly. Many
unions had elections which were won by
progressive nationalist candidates. In
the absence of political parties, unions
are one of the few vehicles for popular
expression. Obviously, King Hussein
does not look kindly upon the develop-
ment of an independent, progressive
trade union movement, for this would
expose that his domestic and regional
policies do not represent the people's
opinions.
Hussein walks the tightrope
The second reason for the repres-
sive Campaign is the regime's wish to
have the internal situation in order, while
the king tries to walk the political tight-
rope towards negotiations with ‘Israel’.
On the one hand, the regime is toy-
ing with the idea of holding parliamen-
tary elections some time this year. The
20
new parliament would represent both
the East Bank (Jordan) and the West
Bank (Palestinian land). The intention is
to create a ‘legitimate’ facade to prom-
ote the monarchys claim to the West
Bank. The regime must calculate that
this parliament might preside over the
signing of ‘peace’ with the Zionist state.
Thus, a prerequisite for holding such
elections is silencing the progressive
nationalist forces, to prevent them from
taking any seats or using the election
Campaign to voice opposition to the
regime's policy.
On the other hand, the regime is
hard pressed by the intransigent Israeli
conditions tor negotiations, and deeply
disappointed by the US administration's
failure to pressure ‘Israel’ to be more
accomodating. Jordan received an
added slap in the face when the US con-
gress postponed a $ 1.9 billion arms
deal until at least March, unless Hussein
staffs direct negotiations with ‘Israel’.
On top of this is the regime's impatience
with Arafat for failing to put all his cards
on the table to US-israeli satisfaction.
Caught in this dilemma, the regime
can tolerate no internal dissent. It thus
cracked down on the Jordanian national
movement and cadres and leaders of
the Palestinian resistance organiza-
tions, who reside in Jordan. Specially
targeted by the arrests was DFLP and
also the PFLP and Palestinian Com-
munist Party. Clearly the regime sought
to cut down the progressive forces
whose rejection of the Amman accord is
shared by broad sectors of the masses.
While the revolutionary Palestinian
forces are facing severe repression.
even the Arafat leadership is relatively
restricted, for the regime s peace plans
envision the Palestinian role as symbolic
rather than material. Arafats men are
prevented from visiting the refugee
camps and opening new facilities. This
only serves to emphasize that Arafat's
relations with Jordan do not in any way
serve the Palestinian people or cause.
The king wants Arafat as a figurehead.
and is prepared to dump him if this
becomes politically opportune. As a
close adviser to the king said, «Before,
we thought the peace process wouldnt
work without Arafat. Now we know it
won't work with him.» (Los Angeles
Times, December 7, 1985)
Fight
Repression to Stop Student
Elections
Choking democratic freedom, the
Jordanian regime took new steps to pre-
| vent the students at the Jordan and Yar-
mouk universities from exercising their
to elect student societies”.
November 1985 was set as the date for
elections at the two universities. After
the deadline for students filing their can-
didacy, the intelligence service took the
lists of nominees and called in more than
fifty of those nominated at the Jordan
University on the eve of elections. The
intelligence officers demanded that the
Student candidates choose between
withdrawing from the elections or being
arrested. Most of the candidates did not
respond to these threats. Then the sec-
urity forces deployed throughout the uni-
versity in a show of force, aiming to ter-
rorize the students into refraining from’
voting. This led the candidates to with-
draw from the elections, protesting inter-
ference and demanding the cancellation |
of the repressive measures. However, |
the security forces and the intelligence
persisted. They stormed homes and
arrested a number of student leaders.
Prior to the elections, four student lead-
ers had been arrested from the Jordan
University and four from Yarmouk Uni-
versity.
“In 1975. the student union was closed down at the:
Jordan University after a two-week sirike organized.
because 300 students were forced by the administ- |
ration to drop courses in mid-semester 1500 stu-
dents took part im the strike which was resolved in.
they favor. Then the administration dissolved the |
unmor and replaced it with student societies, hoping:
to disperse student efforts - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 14
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