Democratic Palestine : 14 (ص 24)
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- Democratic Palestine : 14 (ص 24)
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to the PLO (keeping in mind that the US itself rejects meeting
with such persons).
In the recent period, when Peres made his UN speech put-
ting forward the «israeli peace initiative», a violent campaign
was launched against the PLO. Peres claimed that «no one
has inflicted greater tragedy on the Palestinian people than
has the terrorism of the PLO.» Israeli officials repeatedly called
on Hussein to cancel his alliance with Arafat if he seriously
wants to negotiate. On October 28, 1985, Peres declared in the
Knesset that he rejects any PLO role, adding that «it is a ter-
rorist organization which uses violent methods instead of the
political alternative.» In brief, the Zionist entity rejects negotia-
tiohs with the PLO in any form, no matter who may be at its
head.
Neither this Israeli government, nor any previous one, nor
any official, has ever expressed the possibility of negotiating
with the PLO under any conditions. However, conditions have
been made by former officials and are documented in Labor's
1984 election platform. These conditions can be summarized
as follows: The PLO must forego the Palestinian National
Charter and the armed struggle, and must clearly recognize
the right of ‘Israel’ to exist within secure borders as stipulated
in Security Council resolution 242.
As stated in Labor's election platform: «The basic position
of Labor stipulates that neither the PLO, or any other organiza-
tion which is committed to the Palestinian National Charter and
rejects the right of Israel to exist and the national status of the
Jewish people, or which adopts terrorist methods, will be a par-
ticipant in the negotiations...It is possible to give the opportun-
ity of negotiations to Palestinian figures who recognize Israel
and reject terror. »®
These conditions mean no less than that the PLO should
abolish itself and stop being a liberation organization, instead
becoming an instrument for facilitating the liquidation of the
Palestinian people's rights. Neither this Israeli government or
previous ones mention what role the PLO or its representatives
might play if it were to do so. Nor is there any mention of the
results to be gained. All that is declared is: <A solution to the
Palestinian problem should be brought about within a Palesti-
nian-Jordanian state on Jordanian land with a Palestinian
majority, and within limited areas of Judea and Samaria and
Gaza which are densely populated with Arabs, and from which
the Israeli army will withdraw. »’
The Likud’s position is well known: (a) rejection of any
withdrawal; (b) accepting only Israeli sovereignty; (c) support-
ing annexation; and (d) rejection of the PLO.
The Zionist position rejects any form of Palestinian entity
whether a state or purely Palestinian autonomy. The solution
Notes:
'Maarev, Sept. 14. 1984, Davar, Sept. 10, 1984.
*Yedihot Aharanot, Oct. 22. 1985.
*Haaretz, July 10, 1985.
“Israeli Radio, Nov. 4, 1985.
>Yedihot Aharanot, Oct. 22, 1985.
24
°Maarev, June 15, 1984.
bid.
%Al Nahar, Sept. 11, 1985.
8Yedihot Aharanot, Oct. 22, 1985.
of the Palestinian problem is always connected to Jordan, con-
cealing the Palestinian identity. This means that the Israeli
government will not agree to anything for the PLO, no matter
how many concessions it makes. It is hypothetical to speak of
negotiations with the PLO during the present Israeli govern-
ment’s term.
Negotiating with Syria
The present Israeli government has not directed a call for
negotiations with Syria under any particular conditions. It has
completely neglected this matter in all documents and initia-
tives. In the government's basic document, there is no mention
of Syria or the Golan Heights. Nor did Peres’ UN initiative men-
tion Syria, although it explicitly spoke of Jordan and a Jorda-
nian-Palestinian delegation. Peres said: «The aim of negotia-
tions is to reach a peace agreement between Israel and the
Arab states, as well as solving the Palestinian problem. »®
Presently ‘Israel’ concentrates on Syria’s ‘extremism’ and
‘aggressive tendencies’ and calls for alertness to Syria's grow-
ing military strength. Foreign Minister Shamir’s statement is
indicative: «The Syrian government is extremist to the last
degree, and there is no possibility of negotiating with her and
reaching fruitful results.»9 This was in answer to Japan's
suggestion for ‘Israel’ to negotiate with Syria, proposed during
Shamir's visit to Japan.
The Labor Party’s election platform states: «The Labor
government will have peace negotiations with Syria without
preconditions... The Israeli government should be on the alert
and prepared in the face of the growth of the Syrian army and
the threats of war issued by Syria...!srael will strive for dialogue
with Syria even before peace discussions, to prevent an esca-
lation between the two countries. »
It is clear that the main Israeli concern is preventing con-
frontation with Syria at a time which is unsuitable for ‘Israel’.
This is the reason for the constant references to Syrian military
growth. The question of negotiating with Syria (mentioned in
the Labor program but not in that of the government) is clearly
of secondary importance. The present government has no
desire to negotiate with Syria. Like its predecessors, this gov-
ernment declares readiness to negotiate with any Arab gov-
ernment without preconditions.
With regard to Syria's occupied Golan Heights, the Zionist
government is not prepared to rescind the 1981 decision to
annex this land. It is important to note that Labor and Likud
agree on this point. Given these facts, it can be said that the
Israeli government will agree to hypothetical negotiations with
Syria, provided the latter recognizes ‘Israel’ and its occupation
of Arab land.
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