Democratic Palestine : 14 (ص 33)
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- Democratic Palestine : 14 (ص 33)
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Lebanon
No Peace with Fascist Power
Internal fighting among the components of Lebanon's fascist forces
has produced a new ‘strongman’ - Samir Geagea - at least for the
moment. More significantly, ithas delayed if not scuttled the attempt
On December 28th, an accord to
end over a decade of civil war was
signed in Damascus, by Walid Jumblatt
of the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP),
Nabih Berri of the Amal Movement and
Lebanese Forces Commander Elie
Hobeika. The accord called for liberating
all Lebanse territory from Zionist occu-
pation, for peace, security and the
establishment of a genuine democratic
system by abolishing political sec-
tarianism, restricting presidential pow-
ers and drawing up a new constitution
and electoral law. The tripartite accord
upheld Lebanon's unity and privileged
relations with Syria.
Although the signing parties agreed
on an extended transition period for
abolishing confessionalism, the princi-
ples enshrined in the accord were still
too much for the majority of the fascist
forces. Lebanese Forces chief of staff
Samir Geagea linked up with the
Phalangists loyal to his former rival,
President of Lebanon Amin Gemayel.
On January 15th, they staged a bloody
coup in the fascist-held areas. At the
cost of over 400 lives (Christians whom
they claim to protect), the Geagea-
Gemayel axis forced Hobeika to resign
and leave the country.
Once again, the Lebanese Forces
were reorganized, this time under
Geagea’s leadership and_ principle:
«There is now going to be only one
single command for all Christian forces
under the Lebanese Forces flag, and
any attempt to create any other com-
mand will be dealt with swiftly and
severely. (Monday Morning, January
2/7-February 2. 1986. All following
quotes in this articie are from the same
source.) The new command claims that
the coup was an internal matter, and not
directed against relations with Syria.
Thus they seek to cover up their con-
tinued adherence to the US-Zionist
plans to keep Lebanon divided and
weak, as long as the nationalist forces
have the upper hand. As stated by PSP
Politbureau member Akram Shehayeb.
to find a political solution to the Lebanese crisis.
«The sabotage of the accord indicates
very solid relations between the regime,
Geagea and the US-lsraeli axis.» On
January 22nd, US State Department
spokesman Bernard Kalb expressed
support for Amin Gemayel after the coup
in East Beirut. US Ambassador to Leba-
non Bartholomew urged the nationalist
forces in the National Unity Front to open
negotiations with the new Lebanese
Forces leadership. However, the stabil-
ity of the Geagea-Gemayel axis is itself
in question. The car bomb in the East
Beirut suburb, Furn al Shebbak, which
killed over 30 people, exploded near a
Phalangist Party office. Some observers
termed it «the beginning of the struggle
between the Phalangist Party and
Geagea.»
The Lebanese Forces have now
adopted an insidious political tactic for
sabotaging the accord: They claim to be
ready for a ‘compromise’ whereby politi-
cal sectarianism would be preserved,
but presidential powers restricted.
Meanwhile, a ‘balance’ would be main-
tained between the armed factions,
which in reality would allow the fascists
to keep the possibility of sabotaging any
future peace efforts not to their liking.
Fascist violence
The events of January 15th should
not have been a Surprise to anyone who
follows Lebanese politics closely. Over
ten years of civil war have shown that the
fascist faorces will not willingly give up
either their military power or the
privileges they hold by virtue of Maronite
dominance of the state. There is
moreover a long tradition of infighting
among the fascists themselves. Geagea
himself, on Beshir Gemayel’s orders,
attacked Suleiman Franjieh’s stron-
ghold in North Lebanon in 1978, killing
30 family members and supporters. At
the time, both Geagea and Franjieh
were grouped in the Lebanese Front. In
1980, Beshirs Phalangists attacked and
subordinated the militia of another
Lebanese Front leader. Chamoun. In
March 1985, Geagea led a ‘revolt’
against Amin Gemayel due to the latter's
forced cancellation of the May 17th
accord with ‘Israel’, and his relations
with Syria. Now Geagea and Amin
Gemayel have forged an uneasy
alliance against Hobeika’'s willingness to
enter the Syrian-sponsored peace plan
for Lebanon.
Zionist-fascist sabotage
Even before the accord was signed,
its opponents had made themselves
obvious. Israeli overflights of Lebanon,
including mock raids on strategic points
(Beirut, the mountains and Saida) were
daily fare from late November when it
became clear that the tripartite talks in
Damascus were serious. With the sign-
ing of the accord, there was a dramatic
escalation of fighting on the frontline
separating the nationalist forces of the
Saida area and the fascists based in
Jezzine, who have close ties to the
Israeli occupiers and maintain links to
East Beirut as well.
Tension emerged among the East
Beirut fascist elite as well, with recurring
internal clashes and an attempt on the
life of Hobeika’s top adviser, Assad
Shaftari. Even putting aside questions
about Hobeika’s sincerity in view of his
past record of collaboration with the
Zionist enemy (most notably his leading
the Sabra-Shatila massacre), there
were influential figures who opposed the
accord from the start. Notable among
them are Amin Gemayel; former Presi-
dent and Lebanese Front leader,
Camille Chamoun; and his son Dany,
head of the National Liberal Party and
historically one of the most enthusiastic
about relations with ‘Israel’.
The opposition to the accord from
the Gemayel and Chamoun clans is not
hard to understand. Both have extensive
business interests in addition to their
political careers. A democratic, just set-
tlement to the Lebanese crisis would
restrict the Maronite bourgeoisie’s man-
ipulation of political power to their own
economic advantage.
From the start, there were grumbl-
ings about the accord within the
Lebanese Forces themselves. The day
after the accord was signed, Geagea
told a parade of new military recruits:
«Let no one think that peace is made in
assembly halls or in the capitals of
foreign countries...If we want real peace,
we should seek a real balance of
power...(and) an effective military
force.» This line proved fatal to
Hobeikas attempts to bring
the >»
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