Democratic Palestine : 15 (ص 6)
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- Democratic Palestine : 15 (ص 6)
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us and failed. The last time they tried, we were steadfast for 79
days under siege, and still they did not liquidate us.
We are now faced with another attempt to liquidate the
PLO, and in this lies the danger of the current political
moment...If King Hussein succeeds, and I’m confident that he
will not — he will have offered the greatest service to
imperialism, for imperialism and ‘Israel’ want the PLO’s head!
King Hussein wishes to boast of enticing the PLO leadership
until it stoops and is prostrated. If the PLO refuses, he will cross
it out, thus ridding the region of the so-called ‘danger of the
PLO’. This is the plan awaiting us. How do we confront it?
Husseins dilemma
It is my estimation that it is not easy for King Hussein to
succeed because he knows he needs a Palestinian and Arab
cover. This, by the way, was Reagan's advice to him when the
seven-member delegation went after the Fez Summit. Reagan
said: «| gave my plan and you must convince the PLO to man-
date King Hussein.»... There will be a (pro-Hussein) Palesti-
nian-Jordanian lobby. However, it will eventually become
Clear, as it did with the village leagues plot, that it is impossible
for this lobby to be considered the representative of the Pales-
tinian people.
The Arab cover won't be easy either. Even the reactionary
regimes will find it difficult to give Hussein this cover, while they
are so absorbed in the Gulf war. We all know the difficulty Hus-
sein encountered at the extraordinary Arab summit in 1985. He
attained only a partial cover. At that time, Hussein was a part-
ner to the PLO. Now the reactionary regimes will ask: «What
about your partner?»
Therefore it will not be easy to pull off his plan, but we
would be greatly mistaken if we were to rely on these condi-
tions. We must be determined to foil this plan relying on our
own strength, our own plans and our ability to work to foil this
plan...The PLO, our people and cause are in danger...How
should we confront this plan?
The PLO is not Arafat
There are two main points for confronting the present
danger: One is taking a very responsible stand on the PLO, its
unity and restoring its national line. Shall we leave it to be swal-
lowed by King Hussein, and dismantled? How do we save the
PLO, our sole, legitimate representative?
The PLO is not Arafat. Whosoever has a grudge against
Arafat should use his brain! We have strongly faulted
Arafat...but the PLO is one thing and the rotten PLO leadership
is another. Is Lebanon Amin Gemayel? Is Egypt Husni
Mubarak? The PLO is not Arafat nor Fatah’s Central Commit-
tee. The PLO is our hope, our national role, our only means for
drawing the Arab national liberation movement into the conflict
with the Zionist enemy. The PLO is the Palestinian people
everywhere...
There are now suitable objective conditions for restoring
the PLO’s unity and national line...It is an unparalleled oppor-
tunity. Will they (the PLO leadership) take advantage of this or
will they stand as an obstacle? It is the right of the masses to
judge every organization and leadership. Who will work to
restore the PLO as the Palestinian national force opposed to
imperialism and ‘Israel’?...Who will pose obstacles?
Cancelling the Amman accord
Taking advantage of this opportunity begins with cancella-
tion of the Amman accord, publicly and clearly. Don't forget
that Hussein kept the Amman accord. He acquired legitimacy
4
from the PLO, which he wishes to keep. Therefore, the will of
the Palestinian people must be manifest in cancellation of this
accord... There is no chance of genuine national unity before
cancellation of the Amman accord...(This is the second main
point in confronting the enemy plan.)
The leadership which signed the Amman accord is the
one who can cancel it. We must struggle for the broadest
national call for such cancellation. We must crystallize a popu-
lar will demanding cancellation. However, the one who can in
the least time take advantage of the opportunity and provide
the basis for restoring national unity, is the leadership which
contracted this accord.
What has this leadership done up till now? To tell the hon-
est truth, | am one of those who, despite scientific analysis,
said after Hussein’s speech: «I wish the leadership would think
of the interests of the revolution and declare cancellation of the
Amman accord.» But the hours passed, then days...We are
waiting for the official statement from the meeting in Tunis. Up
till now, nothing has been issued. At such a point, matters must
be judged scientifically; responsibility must be designated. The
channels for our people’s struggle must be specified. The
objective conditions for national unity must be complemented
by subjective conditions, i.e., a stand by all parties of the Pales-
tinian revolution...However, there is a great difference in
responsibility between those who signed the agreement and
can cancel if, and the other factions of the PLO...
The PFLP raises the slogan: Assembling the broadest
national ranks to crystallize the popular will calling for cancel-
ling the Amman accord, as a prelude to serious thought about
the condition of the PLO...Cancelling the accord would consti-
tute something qualitative, because this means cancelling the
program of confederation with Jordan. Such a non-national
Program can only be cancelled on a patriotic basis.
After cancellation of the accord, all efforts should be chan-
nelled towards jointly concluding the lessons gained from the
course followed by the present PLO leadership, through its
dealing with US solutions... remember when | was a child in
the thirties, the common man used to say: «Our enemy is not
the Jews. It is Britain.» Now we are in 1986. The official leader-
ship forgets this great elementary lesson, the gist of which is
that it is impossible to get anything for our national cause
through colonialism or imperialism. We must update the
experience to say scientifically: Betting on imperialism, to
achieve our rights, is a tremendous mistake and must not be
repeated in the future of the Palestinian national struggle. If the
national forces do not leam this, then even if unity is achieved,
it will be faulty from the start.
After that we must clarify the political line. Either we want
this playing games, or we want to benefit from the experience
of our masses. We must first stress the national program — the
program of return, self-determination and an independent
Palestinian state. Then we should take a number of clear polit-
ical decisions that cannot be misinterpreted or played with by
any party.
Still, this is not enough to guard national unity. There must
be a trustworthy, collective leadership. Then our efforts should
culminate in a Palestinian National Council — either the PNC
with the composition of the 16th session, or a new one,
because the composition of the 17th PNC was not as it should
be for a national front. Then we can crown our efforts with
genuine national unity... The PFLP will act on this basis...
Until national unity is achieved, we must remain steadfast
in the face of the Jordanian regime’s plans...Our task is to crys-
tallize a popular Palestinian will in all places to declare con- - هو جزء من
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