Democratic Palestine : 15 (ص 26)
غرض
- عنوان
- Democratic Palestine : 15 (ص 26)
- المحتوى
-
One of 15 army tanks which surrounded the Pyramid road area as hotels bum.
lightly on already sore toes — those of
the Egyptian masses who have regularly
revolted against increased food prices.
Dr. Ragaa Rassoul, director of Egypt's
Institute of National Planning, says,
«The IMF writes its prescription but we
have to be very careful about how we
implement this.» Nevertheless, a team
headed by the prime minister and
economist, Ali Lutfi, has begun what the
government calls a series of «reforms».
They started by introducing a 20%
increase in consumer good prices but
have been careful about not publicizing
the fact for fear of the social and political
impact. A 10% deduction from the
paychecks of govemment employees
(one-third of the work force) is being
made, although officials insist this is
«voluntary contributions». Coupled with
the 20% inflation rate, their $50 a
month wage does not stand a chance of
making ends meet.
These «reforms» are accompanied
by a massive publicity campaign where
Mubarak calls on the millions to join in a
«great awakening to arouse the slum-
bering economic giant that Egypt could
become.» Yet according to an editorial
in Al Akhbar newspaper, «Egyptians
would have to consider sacrifices to
cope with worsening economic cir-
cumstances.»
Mubarak vs. Abu Ghazala
With the uprising, Mubarak made a
feeble attempt to diffuse the charged
atmosphere by dismissing Ahmed
Rushdi, interior minister and comman-
24
der of the security police conscripts.
Imperialist circles are anyway having
second thoughts as to Mubarak’s ability
to maintain the stability vital to their
interests. In a recently released study
from Frost & Sullivan's Political Risk
Services Division, Egypt was listed
among the nine countries where «condi-
tions for international business during
1986 will get increasingly risky.» Cre-
ditors are expressing increasing doubts
as to Egypt's ability to maintain its cur-
rent rate of repayment. No extensions of
grace periods for payment of debts are
granted, and no dramatic injection of aid
seems forthcoming, to bail Mubarak out
of his dilemma.
a
Mubarak, sensing that his abilities
were being subject to question, tried to
broaden his political support by meeting
with opposition leaders even before the
uprising was quelled by the army. He
feared that Abu Ghazala’s success in
putting down the uprising would only
further the defense minister's already
blooming popularity with the US
administration. Such a show of force is
of particular importance now, because
of the deteriorating economic situation
and the negative social impact of this.
Imperialist circles seem to prefer a
strongman who knows how to run an
efficient operation.
Even the Zionist press began to sig-
nal dissatisfaction with the present
Egyptian regime, hinting that a «change
would be met with approval» and that
Abu Ghazala should take over, because
he «is the strongman in Egypt now.»
Mubarak is obviously on a losing
streak. He is unable to come up with real
solutions for the economy. He must use
force to suppress popular discontent. He
is suffering the disfavor of his allies as
well. Is this the beginning of the end?
Was the conscripts’ revolt just the tip of
the iceberg of the Egyptian masses’
potential to rise up? One opposition
figure had this to say about the uprising:
«There is an economic and social condi-
tion behind the feeling of anger. If the
economic situation is not corrected,
these incidents will be repeated.» The
regime’s orders to dismiss 22,000 con-
scripts, purportedly «social misfits», is
hardly a solution. Moreover, 8000 armed
conscripts escaped arrest, and are hid-
ing among the people. @
People line up for bread during curfew lift.
te - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 15
- تاريخ
- أبريل ١٩٨٦
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
Contribute
Not viewed