Democratic Palestine : 15 (ص 32)
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- Democratic Palestine : 15 (ص 32)
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West Germany ushers ‘Israel’ into the EEC
After 1960, West Germany became one of the Israelis’
major trading partners. The Israeli-German Chamber of Com-
merce and Industry in Tel Aviv is one of the largest in the
Zionist state. In 1977, the West German government spon-
sored the Israel Trade Centre’s establishment in Dusseldorf.
Along with the Netherlands, West Germany sponsored the
Zionist state’s association with the European Economic Com-
munity, leading to a series of special status agreements which
give Israeli products significant tariff reductions. The latest of
these, concluded in 1975, provides for completely free trade
between ‘Israel’ and the EEC in industrial goods by 1985-9,
and significant tariff reductions for Israeli agricultural exports.
Military cooperation
Military cooperation between the Zionist and West Ger-
man states also preceded diplomatic relations. It was crucial
for ‘Israel’ in the years 1957-66. (West Germany was then
replaced by France and later the US as the Zionists’ major
arms supplier.) The preferential treatment accorded the Zionist
state can be seen in the following:
1.Due to Germany's past and efforts not to appear as a
militaristic power, its military aid policy has always been restric-
tive. The very fact that ‘Israel’ received such aid was unusual.
2.‘Israel’ was at this time the only state in the Middle East to
receive such aid, which occurred despite the absence of dip-
lomatic relations and written agreements.
3.The military aid granted to ‘Israel’ was qualitatively different
from that granted to other countries. The Zionist state received
at least 30% of all West German military aid to non-NATO
countries. Most other countries received only software. Only
‘Israel’, Sudan, Nigeria and Tanzania received aircraft. Only
Another Angle
There is another recent book covering the special rela-
tions between Israel and West Germany. Written in German by
Kenneth M. Lewan, it is entitled Suhne Oder Neue Schuld? |
(Repentance or New Guilt?), published in 1984, and distri-
buted by Das Arabische Buch, Wundstr. 21, West Berlin 19. _
| While covering basically the same facts as noted in this |
article, Professor Lewan’s book injects another angle, pointing
out that it is the Palestinian pe ople who have suffered most
| from the special relationship. The bo udes a survey of the
Middle East conflict and an analysis of Zionism’ $ strivings fora
pure Jewish state. Lewan points out that because West Ger-
man support was channeled strictly to the Jewish sector, it
served to widen the structural gap between the standard of liv-
ing for Jews and Palestinian Arabs.
Professor Lewan did a bit of research on vhis own to see if
military support had stopped to ‘Israel’ as pur fons : DM
he wrote the Minister of Economic Cooperati
information on forms of support to israel. He got the ¢ answer
that the ministry could not give any information on aid to ‘Israel’
-—~ «as the special relations between Israel and West Germany
do not allow for any comparison...»
Lewan argues that it was US strategy motivating West
German support to ‘Israel’, not guilt feelings for Nazi atrocities.
He points out that the Gypsies were never compensated, nor
were Jews living in countries with whom Germany had no rela-
tions, not to mention compensation for the 20 million Soviet citi-
zens who died. We recommend this book to our German read-
os 2
30
‘Israel’ received fighter planes, as well as about 200 M28 Pat-
ton battle tanks, submarines, helicopters, anti-tank and anti-
aircraft equipment without having to pay for them.
4. The value of the military aid granted to ‘Israel’ far exceeds
that to any other country — 20-800% more than to Somalia,
the second most costly recipient.
5.The West German Defense Ministry showed a preference for
buying Israeli weapons, purchasing ammunition, grenade
throwers, uniforms and Uzi submachine guns. The declared
aim of these purchases was to stimulate the infant Israeli arms
industry. ‘Israel’ viewed the sale of Uzis as a step towards
entering the NATO market.
The main initiator of this aspect of the special relationship
was the ultraright politician, Franz-Joseph Strauss. Shimon
Peres, then Defense Ministry director-general, was the arms
negotiator. Though military cooperation was justified with
phrases such as «contributing to peace in the Middle East»
and «reparation for Nazi Germany's crimes», the West Ger-
man government actually sought to contribute to the Zionist
state’s build-up as an anti-communist stronghold in the Middle
East. Feldman puts it this way: «!srael seemed to be conjured
by German leaders as a Middle East Berlin standing against
communist expansion» (p.133).
In return, the Zionist leadership helped to whitewash Ger-
man officials of their Nazi past. In February 1965, Stern
magazine claimed that Strauss had agreed with Israeli envoys
that Hans Globke, a close aide to Chancellor Adenauer, would
not be summoned to witness in the trial of Nazi war criminal
Eichmann, in return for German arms supplies. The Israeli mis-
sion in Cologne denied this, but in fact Globke never had to tes-
tify.
Although there is no concrete evidence that the US insti-
gated German military aid to the Zionist state, it is obvious that
West Germany was generally following US policy. Feldman
says, «It seems clear...that the initial contacts and the first
agreement were probably related to an American initia-
tive... The arms in question were often American, now obso-
lete, and there were strict rules about the transfer of such obso-
lete weapons» (p.135).
The military relationship was officially suspended with the
establishment of diplomatic relationship between ‘Israel’ and
West Germany in 1965, but Feldman's book records a number
of indications that arms deals continue. Since 1975, the Israeli
embassy staff in Bonn has included a military attache whom
the Israelis call a «purchasing officer», although West German
law prohibits arms sales to areas of tension, and the Middle
East is classified as such an area. Exchange of technological,
strategic and defense information is ongoing. One can surmise
that military-related cooperation goes on in the name of scien-
tific and technical cooperation which Feldman describes as
perhaps the most important aspect of current West German-
Israeli relations.
Zionist lobby
Feldman’s book also covers cooperation in cultural and
academic fields, including youth exchange programs. The
book details how the special relationship has been reinforced
by personal friendship between Israeli and West German offi-
cials and other influential persons, including publishers, trade
union and political party leaders. These relations span the
entire bourgeois political spectrum of both countries. Espe-
cially enduring are the relations between the Israeli Labor
Party and the SPD (West Germany’s Social Democrats). Pro-
Israeli viewpoints are promoted through a diversity of political - هو جزء من
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