Democratic Palestine : 16 (ص 9)
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- Democratic Palestine : 16 (ص 9)
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runeral for the victims of the US air strike.
Libyan elements to train and infiltrate over the Tunisian border,
etc. Again, Qaddafi serves as a scapegoat for internal prob-
lems. Tunisia’s 7 million inhabitants suffer from extensive
unemployment. The US and its allies are also disturbed by
Libya’s broadcasts calling on the Tunisian people to rise up
and kill the Zionists living in their midst, giving the addresses of
Zionist Jews suspected of having CIA contacts. Nevertheless,
Tunisia’s hands are tied in terms of taking effective action
against Libya, due to its shaky internal situation.
Qaddafi’s involvement in Chad is also a thom in the side of
the US and France. There are 7000 Libyan troops aiding Gou-
kouni Oueddei, who controls the northern half of the country, in
the struggle against the US-installed Hussein Habre. Although
the US and France are both backing Habre, the Reagan
Administration has made it clear on more than one occasion
that France has the primary role in this part of Africa. Although
the US provides financial support, it will not send troops to
Chad. The US’s need for a French foothold in Chad has
restrained Reagan from riding France too hard about confront-
ing Libya on other levels. Mitterrand, addressing the summit of
French-speaking African nations, said: «France will not permit
the balance to be upset...(in) Chad.» Qaddafi, however, has
repeatedly embarrassed the French government and shown
that he is not to be intimidated by threats or force. Paris has,
temporarily at least, «ruled out using French troops to drive out
Oueddei’s froces from Chad» (Newsweek, March 6th).
The US had hopes of using neighboring countries to do its
dirty work, but estimates of this possibility show little chance of
success and even an operation involving Libya’s hostile
neighbors could require up to six divisions or 90,000 US sol-
diers.
Boy Scouts
The anti-Libyan campaign dates back to the September 1,
1969 revolution when Qaddafi closed down the US's Wheelus
airforce base in Libya. From that time on, the US administration
has taken many ousted Libyan bourgeois under its wing, hop-
ing to groom an opposition able to topple Qaddafi. The US has
spent millions of dollars nourishing Libyan exile groups which
are supposed to have launched several unsuccessful coup
attempts. Yet these groups are not of the caliber to fulfill
imperialist aims. One covert plan involving exile groups was
blocked by the CIA’s deputy director, John N. McMahon, onthe
grounds that the exiles were «boy scouts» - too weak to have
a chance of success. Moreover, Libya’s purge of anti-regime
elements left little room for enemy maneuvering.
Another venture Washington invested in was the so-cal-
led National Front for the Salvation of Libya (NFSL), led by
Mohammed Youssef Magarieff, former auditer general in
Libya and recommended to the CIA by the Saudis. It was no
coincidence that the NFSL's birth came in the same period that
a CIA search for «a surrogate organization that would over-
throw Qaddafi by whatever means necessary» became known
in 1981. The CIA trained NFSL leaders and recruits in westem
Europe, Sudan and Morocco, while Saudi Arabia supplied the
funds. Mustafa bin Halim, former Libyan prime minister, now
advisor to the Saudi monarchy, was the go-between with
Magarieff. Members of this group attempted to assassinate
Qaddafi in May 1984, but failed and were captured. In May
1985, the NFSL was dealt another blow when Sudan deprived
them of air time, but then Cairo radio obliged them.
Imperialism’s ruffled feathers
With the escalation of imperialist aggression against
Libya, the Soviet Union, Libya’s staunchest ally, has stepped
up its military support, sending advanced SAM-5 anti-aircraft
missiles, launchers, radars and transporters. With a 200-mile
range, these missiles give Libya an effective weapon to chal-
lenge US planes flying over the Gulf of Sidra. Although many
imperialist quarters have expressed disdain for this «relatively
old, slow-flying, ground-to-air» missile, it has not failed to ruffle
their feathers. The missile can hit targets 95,000 feet in the air
and can knock down US reconnaissance aircraft as well as the
sophisticated AWACS. Thus, a shadow of doubt was cast over
the abilities of even high-performance US fighters. Obviously,
their attack on Libya in March was a provocation, designed to
glean information on Libyan air defence. This was reflected in
the new stand-off tactics used by the naval aircraft. Pilots
stayed away from their targets to fire guided missiles at Libyan
military installations. To a large extent, they depended on elec-
tronics to pinpoint targets, while using new aviation tactics that
expose them to minimal risks. With its confidence restored, the
US resumed its campaign, waiting for any pretext to strike
Libya again. The April bombing of Libya can only be described
as crazed, immoral brutality. The F-111 fighters blasted civilian
sites, hospitals and government facilities. Despite repeated
claims that they did not wish to assassinate Qaddafi, his resi-
dence was bombed as well, injuring his wife and sons, and kil-
ling his 16-month old daughter. Leaks from informed sources
said that a press release had been prepared by the US
administration, announcing the «unfortunate, accidental»
death of Qaddafi.
If anything, Libya has shown that brute force cannot intimi-
date her. Arab nationalists and progressive forces around the
world decried Reagan's infamous aggression. A delegation
from the non-aligned countries visited Qaddafi to express their
support. The Soviet Union cancelled the meeting between
Soviet Foreign Minister Edward Shevardnadze and US Sec-
retary of State Schultz. However, despite woridwide condem-
nation of its aggression, the US has shown no signs of
restraint. Rather it threatens to escalate its aggression to a
dangerous new pitch, with the move of a US nuclear warship
into Mediterranean waters. Reagan has openly stated that the
US would repeat its attack on Libya if the «need» arises. The
US policy of brute force and aggression from the Bay of Tonkin
in Vietnam to Grenada has been experienced by peoples all
over the world. Imperialism has yet to discover that history will
take its course. It has yet to discover the potential of the mas-
ses, and their determination to fight a life and death battle
against oppression, hegemony and inhumanity. -
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- Democratic Palestine : 16
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