Democratic Palestine : 16 (ص 15)
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- Democratic Palestine : 16 (ص 15)
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appointed to the council as representa-
tives of Teddy Kolleck, the Israeli mayor
of Jerusalem.
Forced to supply settlements
In 1969, the JDEC was obliged to
supply electric current to the rapidly ris-
ing settlements which fell within the
boundaries of its concession. This new
demand for increased amounts of elec-
tricity constituted a burden on the old,
diesel-operated generators. Repeated
applications to purchase new
generators were, however, refused by
the Zionist authorities. This rejection
was obviously intended to dishearten
the JDEC management and force it to
give up the company to the IREC. Not
wishing to supply the Israelis with an
easy pretext for take-over, the JDEC
pursued a policy of rationing electricity,
but this sparked off much discontent and
provided Zionist settlers with an excuse
to launch a campaign against the com-
pany. This left the JDEC with two alter-
natives: (1) to sell out to the IREC; or
(2) to preserve its independence as a
Palestinian national institution and buy
additional current from the IREC. With
the rapid spread of settlements in the
Jerusalem district, the company found
itself drawing up to 90% of its electricity
from the IREC to supply its 100,000 con-
sumers, 30,000 of which were Israelis.
Israeli harassment, delays, debts
and losses spell out the factors which led
to the JDEC’s current dilemma. The
JDEC is obliged by the occupation
authorities to sell electricity at a 7% pro-
fit margin, although at least a 50% profit
margin is needed to balance the budget.
The company supplies street lighting for
all Zionist settlements and public places
free of charge, which contributes to a
17% monthly operational loss. Although
the Zionist authorities officially consider
the Jerusalem district as a part of the
Zionist entity, which entitles the JDEC to
subsidies which would cover deficits, the
company receives nothing. On the other
hand, subsidies cover the deficit of the
IREC.
Israeli harassment takes other
forms as well. There are deliberate
delays in supplying the oil needed for
operating the generators which require
300 kilograms of oil daily. There have
been repeated transgressions in the
areas of the JDEC’s concession, as
when hundreds of electricity poles were
bulldozed in the Shu’fat area on the pre-
text of paving new roads. There are con-
stant incidents of vandalism by Zionists
against JDEC property. Exorbitant fees
and taxes must be paid to the occupa-
tion authorities. Once the IREC even
attempted to collect payments due the
JDEC, by distributing a court memoran-
dum to a number of hotels and institu-
tions in Jerusalem.
Royal Hashemite responsibil-
ity
As of March 1986, the company’s
total debt ran into $ 15 million. The
JDEC's concession expires in late 1987.
If the company does not come up with
the money soon, it will pass into court-
appointed receivership which is as good
as passing it into Zionist hands. Many a
delegation has gone to meet the Jorda-
nian-Palestinian Joint Commitee, to put
the case of the JDEC forward and attain
funds from this committee which was
formed explicitly for the purpose of sup-
porting national institutions in the
occupied territories. The last JDEC dele-
gation, however, was not only unable to
obtain funds, but was also prohibited
from even meeting the joint committee.
Instead, Jordanian government officials
met the JDEC delegation and presented
a list of conditions to be met prior to any
financial support.
The Hashemite court has so far
been very generous with crocodile tears
and verbal denunciations of the Zionist
measures to sabotage the national
institutions of our people under occupa-
tion. Yet the Palestinians under occupa-
tion have seen almost nothing of the mill-
ions of dollars being poured into the
treasury of the Jordanian-Palestinian
Joint Committee. They have the right-
wing leadership of Arafat to thank for so
generously placing them at the mercy of
their Jordanian ‘godfather’. The Jorda-
nian regime instructed the JDEC to meet
the following conditions if they want to be
bailed out:
1. cancellation of — the
employees’ benefits;
2. reduction of staff by 200, to be
replaced by new employees who go
through the royal Jordanian sieve for
approval:
3. 40% reduction of wages;
4. registration of the JDEC’s debts in the
Jerusalem Waaqf which is historically
affiliated to the Jordanian Waadf;
5. reduction of the price of electric cur-
rent purchased from the IREC, which the
JDEC was unable to achieve in the past.
6. renewal of the JDEC’s concessions,
which depends on the Zionist au-
thorities’ whim.
Publicly, King Hussein justifies his
hesitancy to support the JDEC with
JDEC's
claims that the company is «unable to
implement efficiency programs, trim
itself down and save money.» The truth
remains, however, that Hussein is not
about to release $ 15 million, which is
rightfully the company’s, to keep the
JDEC operating under the control of
Palestinians who have always chal-
lenged and rebuffed both Zionist and
reactionary attempts to dominate it.
Other factors which play into this are the
break in coordination between Hussein
and Arafat, and the new rift in the Pales-
tinian rightist ranks, which leaves the
Jordanian-Palestinian Joint Committee
more at the mercy of the monarchy than
ever.
Workers’ role
Abed Abu Diab, leader of the JDEC
workers’ union, challenged the Jorda-
nian conditions. Along with other
unionists, he rejected them, saying that
the JDEC employees «have paid their
dues by merely remaining steadfast in
the troubled company and in occupied
Jerusalem.» The austerity measures
demanded by the Jordanian regime
would furthermore save only 20,000 Jor-
danian dinars monthly, leaving a
monthly deficit of 180,000 dinars. The
conditions are clearly designed more to
pressure the JDEC to buckle under to
Jordanian dominance, than to bail the
company out. Moreover, they are not
very different from the designs of the
Zionist authorities.
The employees of the JDEC have
always risen to meet threats to the com-
pany. They have always believed in it as
a symbol of national identity, rather than
just a source of pay. On more than one
occasion of crisis, they have worked
overtime or on holidays without pay.
They previously rejected the Energy
Minister's attempt to appoint Zionist
employees. They follow up on all deci-
sions concerning the company, realizing
full well the political implications behind
the vicious campaign against it. In short,
they have foiled many a plot in the
course of their struggle.
In contrast, the deviationist PLO
leadership is held directly responsible
for allowing the funds of the Jordanian-
Palestinian Joint Committee, intended
to support our people’s steadfastness,
to be redirected into the pockets of those
who collaborate with Jordan. It is the
responsibility of all concerned with the
Palestinian national cause to act now to
save the largest remaining national
economic institution in the occupied ter-
ritories. @
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- Democratic Palestine : 16
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- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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