Democratic Palestine : 21 (ص 7)
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- Democratic Palestine : 21 (ص 7)
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unifying factor. What remains is the role of the Arab popular
movement. To put all this in perspective, we should discuss the
role of the Arab working class parties, but that 1s a topic in
itself
After King Hussein’s speech in February 1986,
suspending cooperation with the PLO leadership,
the PLO’s crisis entered a qualitatively new stage.
What are the main characteristics of this stage, and
what are the means for resolving the crisis?
After King Hussein’s speech, the PFLP made a public sta-
tement that new objective conditions had been created, making
the thought of restoring the PLO’s unity possible and realistic.
This is because King Hussein’s speech, delivered on behalf of
the US, demanded that the PLO leadership give more conces-
sions in addition to the dangerous concessions already given in
the Amman accord of February 11, 1985. It is difficult for the
PLO to give the newly demanded concessions. The Amman
accord itself was a dangerous concession for the PLO.
Along with all the Palestinian and Arab national democratic
forces and our friends on the international level, we considered
the Amman accord to be a new program of the PLO lea-
dership. It was an alternative to the program for return, self-
determination and the establishment of a Palestinian state. It
replaced this program with one for confederation with Jordan,
giving up a sovereign Palestinian state. After this, the PLO
leadership has shown willingness to give another concession,
that of recognizing ‘Israel’ in return for Israeli recognition of
the PLO. All Arafat’s statements about recognizing resolution
242 as part of recognizing all UN resolutions mean, in fact, the
readiness of the PLO leadership to give another concession,
recognizing ‘Israel’. Despite these two main concessions,
‘Israel’, US imperialism and Jordan continue to demand more
concessions of the PLO leadership. This temporarily closed the
door of the US settlement in the PLO leadership’s face. It
meant opening the door for the PLO leadership to return to the
national program.
This is exactly what the PFLP meant by saying that after
King Hussein’s speech, new objective conditions were created,
making the restoration of the PLO’s unity on a nationalist
basis possible. We used the expression ‘new objective condi-
tions’ and not ‘new subjective conditions,’ based on realization
that the new conditions were not the result of the PLO lea-
dership’s having reviewed its previous policies. Nor were they
the result of conscious intention to retreat from the course of
seeking US solutions. The new situation was a result of condi-
tions that the PLO leadership did not want. The new condi-
tions closed the door to the US solution in its face. This situa-
tion reminds of a phrase I heard on my last political tour in the
socialist countries, that «Israel gave you a new chance to unite
the PLO. How are you going to benefit from this chance?»
Some may say that the PLO leadership’s unwillingness to
give more concessions is a subjective condition that contri-
buted to closing the US gate. That is true to a certain extent,
but the primary factor in closing the gate was Israeli and
imperialist insistence on their conditions. Based on all of this,
the most prominent characteristic of this stage is that restoring
the PLO’s unity has become possible.
Our view on remedying the PLO’s situation is being coura-
geous enough to benefit from the objective conditions, in order
to restore the PLO’s unity, benefitting from the major lessons
of its crisis. To restore the PLO’s unity without stopping to
examine the lessons of the past four years would mean elimi-
nating a very basic experience in the history of Palestinian
national struggle. During those four years, our masses were
torn by the crisis of the PLO. I don’t believe they will forgive
any Palestinian leadership for ignoring these important les-
sons. Our masses hope for a PLO with a decisive political line
opposed to imperialism, Zionism and all their schemes. The
PLO has been an influential force in mobilizing the energies
and capabilities of the Palestinian and Arab people, but only
when it had a decisive political line confronting imperialist
schemes.
Even our international allies don’t just talk about restoring
the PLO’s unity; they link this with a firm anti-imperialist,
anti-Zionist, political line. The PFLP had made it clear that the
political line should be based on closing the gate to the US sett-
lement in the area, i.e., closing the Jordanian gate by official
and public cancellation of the Amman accord, and closing the
Egyptian gate by binding the PLO to the Baghdad Summit
resolutions on isolating and boycotting this regime until it
denounces Camp David. This is how we restore the PLO and
benefit from the objective chance that was provided after King
Hussein’s speech. This is how we benefit from the bitter expe-
rience we have been through. This is what needs to be done on
the political level.
On the organizational level, the experience of the past few
years has confirmed that restoring the PLO should be based on
collective, democratic leadership that is committed to the
PNC’s resolutions. We all know that the resolutions of the
16th PNC in Algeria(1983), despite the reservations that were
recorded, are correct national resolutions that our masses and
our allies are comfortable with. Yet the crisis occurred due to
the individualist leadership that was not committed to these
resolutions.
Our slogan today is hard work to benefit from the new
objective conditions, and struggle to restore the unity of the
PLO, based on a decisive political line opposed to imperialism
and Zionism, and an organizational line that establishes a col-
lective, trustworthy leadership.
What happened to the initiatives made in 1986 for
reuniting the PLO? What are the obstacles?
The Algerian initiative, the Soviet efforts and the efforts of
all our international friends and the forces of the Arab national
liberation movement, were a result of deep awareness of the
importance of uniting the Palestinian arena and the PLO, asa
main factor in achieving the aspirations of the Palestinian
people. Our masses will always appreciate the efforts of the
Soviet Union, Algeria and all Arab and international forces
that support us. There is no doubt that these efforts have
pushed forward the issue of Palestinian national unity by con-
tinuously raising the issue before the Palestinian masses and
organizations. This in itself is a very positive and influential
factor.
Still, restoring the PLO’s unity on a correct political and
organizational basis depends primarily on the Palestinian
forces themselves, and especially on those within the PLO.
History will record the role of every Palestinian force, organi-
zation and leadership, whether it facilitated or hindered the
unity process. When we think about the goal of Palestinian
national independence, the necessity of adhering to it and
achieving it, we will clearly see that this goal in the present
international, Arab and Israeli conditions, demands long and
serious struggle. The Reagan Administration, for instance,
represents the US military-industrial complex that was brought
to power especially to confront the people’s victories. It will
not easily allow the Palestinian people to achieve national
independence. We must give many difficult sacrifices. In view
of the present Arab conditions, it becomes very clear that a
Palestinian state will not be established without the Palestinian
struggle playing a role in awakening the Arab area and creating
Arab national conditions that will be supportive of the Pales-
tinian people’s achieving their goal of national independence.
If we add the Israeli condition to the international and Arab
ones, the picture becomes even clearer. ‘Israel’ is making huge
material gains from occupying Palestinian land. Today ‘Israel’
is exploiting half the labor force of the West Bank and Gaza
Strip. This part of the Arab labor power is being exploited by
Zionist capital. The 1967 occupied land is the second biggest
market for Israeli goods. Added to this is the value of the
Palestinian land expropriated by the occupation authorities.
Why would ‘Israel’ give up all these gains? I don’t aim to say
that the goal of Palestinian national independence cannot be
achieved, but to confirm that it will only be achieved through a
process of long and serious struggle that forces the enemy to
give in to the Palestinian people’s right to national indepen-
dence.
What is the instrument for achieving this goal? The answer is
the PLO. That is why we are determined to restore the PLO’s
unity on a basis that will enable it to be this instrument. Based
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