Democratic Palestine : 23 (ص 15)
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- Democratic Palestine : 23 (ص 15)
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arena, the Labor Party is with an in-
ternational conference and the Likud is
against. Theoretically, the Israeli
obstacle could be removed by breaking
the present partnership between Labor
and Likud in the national unity
government, leading to new elections
with a Labor victory.
Yet facts indicate that things will not
go according to this hypothesis,
because what has prevented the con-
vening of an international conference is
the US-Israeli position on the nature
and results of the conference. To date,
the joint US-Israeli position on the
conference, which is sought to be con-
vened this year, has not changed.
The current Israeli-US-EEC political
and informational campaigns for an
international conference have precise
tactical aims to benefit the interests of
these parties.
By promoting the idea of an interna-
tional conference, the Labor partner in
the Israeli government aims to
safeguard the process of warming up
the cold peace with Egypt. This warm-
ing up started when Peres was prime
minister, but is now threatened by
neglect with Shamir as prime minister.
The communique issued by Peres and
the Egyptian foreign minister, after the
former’s visit to Cairo in February,
stressed the two parties’ mutual desire
to «improve bilateral relations.» Peres’
promotion of a conference also aims at
projecting ‘Israel’ as a peace-lover, and
to encourage the Jordanian regime in
particular to take further steps in nor-
malizing relations with ‘Israel’, leading
to direct negotiations. When asked
about his enthusiasm for an interna-
tional conference, Peres said that «if we
object to the convening of such a con-
ference in the present time, our position
would jeopardize the peace process in a
sensitive period and would project us in
front of the world as a rejectionist
front.» What Peres meant by «sensitive
period» was the active efforts being
made by ‘Israel’, Jordan, Egypt, the
US and some imperialist European
countries to pave the way for the Jor-
danian regime and some Palestinians to
join the Camp David process.
For the US, it is of great importance
that all such maneuvers continue so
that all look up to Washington and its
role in the region, especially after the
Camp David process has failed to go
beyond the Egyptian front, and all
previous plans to expand Camp David
have failed. Added to this is the
deterioration of the US’s credibility
after Irangate and the exposure of the
plan to overthrow the Libyan
government, in addition to the internal
problems facing the Reagan Ad-
ministration. All these factors have
combined to threaten the US role in the
Middle East settlement process, leading
the Reagan Administration to accept
the idea of an international conference
which it opposed not so long ago. Ac-
cordingly, the Reagan Administration
sought to convince Shamir, who visited
Washington in February, to accept the
idea. The US also encouraged Peres to
visit Cairo and discuss the concept of
an international conference with the
Egyptian regime, and gave the green
light for the EEC to accept the conven-
ing of such a conference.
The EEC has its own motives for is-
suing a declaration calling for conven-
ing a conference, to safeguard its in-
terests in the Arab world, and give the
impression that the EEC’s positions are
not necessarily exactly the same as
those of the US.
The Egyptian regime’s active par-
ticipation in the maneuvering around
an international conference aims at
achieving its own interests. The regime
seeks to reassure the US and ‘Israel’
that it is a dependable partner and
middleman that can attract other Arab
regimes to the imperialist-Zionist set-
tlement. At the same time, it seeks to
reassure Arab reaction that it is playing
a constructive role aimed at solving the
Foreign Ministers Meguid of Egypt and Peres of
‘Israel’ call for international conference.
region’s problems and insuring stabili-
ty. Thus, the regime is cultivating an
Arab decision to restore Egypt’s seat in
the Arab League, as it was restored in
the Islamic Conference three years ago.
OBSTACLES
The convening of an international
conference on the Middle East
necessitates the resolving of many con-
tradictions and objections among the
regional and international parties in-
volved. The first of these differences
concerns the nature and goals of the
conference. As a matter of fact, the
conference now being deliberated is ac-
tually two conferences.
The first was suggested by the Soviet
Union years ago and supported by
Arab regimes and the majority of
countries of the world, while being
decisively rejected by ‘Israel’, the US
and some of its allies. Such a con-
ference would be held under UN
auspices with all concerned parties, in-
cluding the PLO, participating. This
conference would arrive at a just and
lasting solution to the Middle East
conflict, ultimately recognizing and
fulfilling the Palestinian people’s rights
to return, exercise self-determination
and establish an independent state.
The second conference is the one
recently called for by the Israeli Labor
Party and accepted by the US, the EEC
and some reactionary Arab regimes,
like Egypt and Jordan. Both these
regimes have agreed with ‘Israel’ and
the US on ten points for the convening
of the conference:
1. The conference is not a substitute for
direct negotiations, but a complement.
2. The conference has no authority to
impose a solution.
3. The conference has no right to in-
validate any agreement reached bet-
ween the parties elsewhere.
4. The conference will set up bilateral
committees on a geographic basis when
the period of direct negotiations is
reached; negotiations in one committee
do not depend on those in other com-
mittees.
$. The conference procedures should be
agreed upon before it is convened.
6. The conference would be held on the
basis of UN Security Council resolu-
tions 242 and 338.
7. The participants would be agreed
upon before the convening of the con-
ference.
8. The Palestinian representation
should be agreed on before the conven- »
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