Democratic Palestine : 23 (ص 30)
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- Democratic Palestine : 23 (ص 30)
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Taking Stock of ‘People’s Power’
The Philippines
Over a year after the demise of Marcos, the political situation in the Philippines remains in flux. Yet even
before Cory Aquino had completed her first year as president, two events gave a sharp warning of the
government’s ultimate orientation. The first was the January 22nd massacre of 18 peasants and the injury
of dozens of others, when government troops opened fire on 10,000 people marching in Manila, to de-
mand action on the promised land reform. The second event was the related suspension of the peace talks
between the government and the, National Democratic Front (NDF). Since the writing of this article two
events have further clarified developments: Reagan reportedly authorized a CIA operation against the
revolutionary movement, while Aquino openly declared her government’s intention to wage war on them.
In February 1986, Cory Aquino was
swept into office by the long-repressed
mass movement for democracy, with a
last minute push from part of the
military command that belatedly
realized Marcos had become a hopeless
case. With its slogan of «people’s
power» and initial moves at
democratization, the new government
enjoyed immense popularity. However,
from the start, the revolutionary forces
pointed out that more than formal
political reform was needed to change
the semicolonial, semifeudal structures
bequeathed by the Marcos dictatorship
and subordination to US imperialism.
These structures and the dictatorship’s
repressive apparatus would continue to
function against the masses, with or
without governmental approval, if not
decisively dealt with.
Over the past year «people’s power»
has been kept alive and advanced by the
ongoing mass movement, benefitting
from the democratization process. The
government, however, has failed to
take meaningful steps towards the
fundamental socioeconomic reforms
needed to make «people’s power» more
than a demagogic, populist slogan.
Little more than promises have been
forthcoming to alleviate the desperate
situation of the majority of the people.
LAND REFORM’S
CENTRALITY
Sixty per cent of Filippinos are poor
peasants, while most land and other
resources are owned by a few big
landlords and compradors. Thus, it was
not by chance that events crystallized
around the march for land reform, for
this issue is a key to social justice.
Agrarian reform is also related to the
30
issue of regaining the Philippines’ na-
tional sovereignty, for maintenance of
the semicolonial, semifeudal structures
is dictated by imperialist domination,
especially that of the US which views
the country as a supplier of cheap
agricultural products.
Despite this urgency, it was not until
the first days of March 1987, that
Aquino announced steps for funding
land reform, at the same time declining
a question as to whether she would
distribute land on her own sugar plan-
tation. In fact, the main economic
measure adopted by the government in
the midst of its seeming indecision, is
import liberalization. By lifting the ban
on imported consumer goods, the
government has given a green light for
more imperialist penetration to the
detriment of local industry and
agricultural development.
The rural population is also the main
target of the counterinsurgency cam-
paign conducted by the army, which
was actually stepped up in the spring of
1986, concentrated against areas where
the New People’s Army (NPA) is ac-
tive. This counterinsurgency includes
Shelling, kidnapping, torture and
murder, hamletting, confiscation and
burning of crops, food blockades and
the declaration of «free-fire zones» on
the rationale of separating the NPA
guerillas from their mass base.
Workers and the urban poor were
also part of the march for land reform
on January 22nd, for these sectors also
feel the lack of meaningful economic
changes. The anti-labor laws enacted
during the Marcos era have not been
repealed. The right to strike has not
been restored in reality, despite pro-
mises to that effect, and wages remain-
ed fixed at a low level. There are still
instances of workers being fired for
their efforts to form a union. In a
statement released January 18, 1987,
KMU (the May Ist workers’ organiza-
tion) pointed out the extent of violence
being enacted against workers: «As we
continue to wallow in misery, our ranks
are openly attacked. In the past year
alone, under this new government, 22
strikers were killed in the picket line, 12
were abducted and ‘salvaged’ (sum-
marily executed), including Ka Lando
Olalia and Leonor Alay-ay (labor
leader and his driver, believed
murdered by the army). In addition,
seven were reported missing, 223 in-
jured and 145 arrested in assaults on the
picket lines. The ouster of Labor
Minister Sanches is the latest attack on
our ranks. President Aquino did not
heed our plea to retain this pro-labor
minister. Instead, she heeded the
demands of the representatives of big
business and the militarists in the
government...»
A statement by PISTON (Federation
of Drivers’ and Operators’ Associa-
tions Nationwide) sheds light on the
connection between the government’s
economic policy and the masses’ plight:
«We, the drivers, belong to the 59% of
the population who live below the
povery line, due to the very small in-
come derived from driving... Some $3
billion, or 30% of the national budget
is at present allocated to the payment of
interest on foreign debt, a large portion
of which went into the pockets of the
greedy dictator and his cohorts. What
kind of administration is this that gives
more priority to the payment of foreign
debt than to the millions of its people
who are unemployed, without secure - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 23
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