Democratic Palestine : 24 (ص 36)
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- Democratic Palestine : 24 (ص 36)
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the workers’ struggle in the urban
areas. In 1985, there was a great
development in the labor movement
and an increase in strikes, marking a
growing leftist orientation. Eighty per-
cent of the strikes were in state institu-
tions. There were strikes in every
ministry except for the ministry of
defense.
In many respects, 1986 marked a
turning point in the balance of forces.
The state embarked on a series of
agricultural reforms, designed to erode
the FMLN’s relations with the masses.
However, the FMLN’s political/mass
efforts proved sufficient to weather this
maneuver. The government raised the
banner of defeating the revolutionary
forces, relying on US support, and
began preparing public opinion for
this. The reactionaries thought it was
only a matter of time before the
revolutionaries would surrender, but
they grossly underestimated the
FMLN/FDR’s ability to withstand and
to adapt their tactics to meet the
changing realities. Events in 1986 ex-
posed the erosion of US efforts to
strengthen the government’s military
apparatus. The army had been increas-
ed from 12,000 to 52,000. Yet with
more than $3,000 million spent to
renew the reactionary military
establishment, plans for further
enlargement have floundered. Instead,
soldiers are deserting even though they
were being paid more than workers in
an attempt to buy their loyalty.
Parallel to its military problems, the
government has failed to halt the
economy’s deterioration. Duarte’s
economic policy has not only an-
tagonized the entire labor movement, it
has created contradictions in the
government institutions, pitting
political and military officials against
each other, and causing deep concern in
the private sector. Businessmen are
sending their money outside the coun-
try, and some have asked Duarte to
resign. This downward slide has pro-
mpted US policy-makers to consider
replacing Duarte, but so far this option
has been put aside for fear of alienating
his Christian Democratic Party and
opening new contradictions that could
be exploited by the
movement.
The government’s all-around failure
has given the popular movement new
opportunities to develop. The conflict
is no longer solely between the rich and
poor, but involves all sectors. In this
context, the FMLN/FDR, while conti-
nuing the liberation war, launched a
new peace plan in July 1986. The front
has previously made initiatives for a
political settlement to avoid un-
necessary suffering to the people. What
is new about the current plan is the un-
precedented chance to rally a truly
broad national front, including sectors
of all different orientations, to the idea
of a Salvadorean solution, rather than
delivering the country’s fate into the
hands of US imperialism.
Providing the revolutionary
backbone for the FMLN’s continuing
advances is the growing unification
process in its ranks. The five compo-
nent parties of the front have decided to
unite into one. This has meant a
restructuring of the military forces, and
unification of all mass organizing work
as well as informational activities.
Comrade Handel summed up the
significance of this by saying: «We have
achieved an advanced level of national
unity, and our struggle is very close to a
decisive time. We don’t set an exact
date, but we are very close to gaining
victory. We thoroughly understand the
problems of the organization - without
this, the enemy would have defeated us
long ago. We are sufficiently strong to
face the state. We are organizing the
people and leading the revolution. Had
we not achieved this unity, we would be
dispersed in different areas... We are
preparing ourselves for the enemy’s
next counterattack, while continuing
our efforts for negotiations. We believe
that decisive events will take place this
year and the next. This is not a pro-
phesy. It is our analysis.»
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- Democratic Palestine : 24
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