Democratic Palestine : 25 (ص 6)
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- Democratic Palestine : 25 (ص 6)
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positive effect on the results of the PNC. He participated
seriously in the discussion held between the six Palestinian
Organizations that agreed on the Tripoli document (see
Democratic Palestine no. 24 for text). This was one of the main
documents discussed at the dialogue which preceded the PNC.
On this basis, Libya welcomed the delegation from the
Palestinian leadership after the PNC ended. Libya was also
enthusiastic about the political results of the PNC, as was duly
expressed by Libyan officials and the media. Libya is to reopen
the PLO office as was agreed after Qaddafi’s meeting with
Abu Jihad (of Fatah’s Central Committee).
While on this topic, we must also point to the efforts of
other parties such as Algeria whose efforts complemented
those of Libya and Democratic Yemen, and the efforts of our
friends in the socialist countries, especially the Soviet Union.
In short there were concerted Arab, progressive and interna-
tional efforts which had a great effect on the results achieved
during the PNC.
What repercussions will the PNC’s resolutions have
on the Lebanese arena, especially in terms of
organizing Palestinian and Lebanese nationalist
relations?
This matter was dealt with in the PNC. There was a special
clause on the subject in the final political communique.
Palestinian and Lebanese nationalist relations have passed
through different phases. This requires that we deal with this
matter in depth in order to learn from the lessons of the past.
In the phase before 1969, the national presence of the
Palestinians residing in Lebanon was suppressed. They were
oppressed by the Lebanese authorities more than anyone can
imagine. The Lebanese authorities tried to enact the reac-
tionary program for suppressing any Palestinian nationalist
activity, even verbal political expression. This was an
abominable stage unacceptable to any Palestinian or Lebanese
nationalist.
In the second phase, the armed struggle against Israeli oc-
cupation began. This merged with the civil war which was ig-
nited by the fascist, isolationist forces against the Lebanese
nationalist forces and masses and the Palestinian revolution.
There is no doubt that the patriotic Lebanese masses offered
many sacrifices in defense of their nationalist position and the
Palestinian revolution. This phase ended with the Israeli inva-
sion of 1982. This phase was marked by faults. However, these
faults do not negate the positive value of the patriotic trend
that prevailed due to the presence of the Palestinian revolution
and the joint Palestinian-Lebanese national resistance.
THE MAIN LESSON
One cannot but extract an important lesson from this phase.
In our opinion the most important lesson is that the Palestinian
revolution should not act in a way that undermines Lebanese
nationalist decision-making, or try to dominate it. We have
always struggled to establish correct Palestinian-Lebanese na-
tionalist relations. It is our opinion that regarding Lebanese
affairs, everyone must abide by the Lebanese nationalist deci-
sions. Regarding Palestinian nationalist affairs, there is the
decision of the PLO. In addition, there are joint issues, since
one cannot mechanically separate the Palestinian national fac-
tor from the Lebanese national factor and the joint struggle
against the common enemy. For such issues, there must be a
basis regulating relations. This was missing during the seven-
6
ties and up till the beginning of the eighties. This should not,
however, prevent us from making a critical review of this
phase.
POST — INVASION STAGE
The third phase is that after 1982, which was characterized
by a positive escalation of Palestinian and Lebanese national
resistance against the Israeli occupation. There were many at-
tempts to distort this struggle, especially during the camp wars
waged against the Palestinian armed presence under a range of
pretexts and slogans such as ‘No return to the pre-1982 situa-
tion.’ This is to insinuate that everything that existed before
1982 was wrong. Such demagogy is intended to strike at the
Palestinian nationalist armed presence and the Lebanese na-
tional resistance as well. It also aims to misrepresent the major
role played by the democratic and progressive forces and par-
ties, especially the Lebanese Communist Party (LCP). The
LCP’s heroic, militant contributions are known to the
Lebanese people and all Arab progressive forces who followed
the events in Lebanon. The post-1982 phase witnessed a rise in
Palestinian-Lebanese resistance, supported by Syria. This
resulted in the abrogation of the May 17th accord; it defeated
the US forces and ousted the Zionist enemy from vast areas of
Lebanon.
In the light of reviewing these three phases, we must derive
the formula for joint militant, nationalist relations. The new
formula must emphasize the role of the Lebanese nationalist
movement and support its program for democratic reform,
which underscores Lebanon’s Arab identity, unity and in-
dependence. The new formula must also stress confrontation
of the Zionist occupation and of the fascist, isolationist forces
that are tied to the Israeli-US project. It must underscore the
right of the Palestinians in Lebanon to nationalist armed
struggle, and guarantee their social rights in this period. Our
people do not aspire to more than being guests of the Lebanese
people. They do not seek a substitute homeland or permanent
residence in Lebanon as some claim in order to misrepresent
Palestinian nationalism.
When relations have been established on this comprehensive
basis, giving priority to the Lebanese nationalist tasks and to
continuing the Palestinian national struggle, I believe that this
will advance the process of benefitting from the positive
aspects of the previous stages. It will suppress the negative
factors which enemy forces tried to exploit to harm the
Lebanese national movement and the Palestinian revolution. If
we wish for a more thorough regulation of relations, then the
Lebanese-Palestinian-Syrian alliance must be revitalized.
How do you view the escalation of Israeli aggres-
sion against South Lebanon and the Palestinian
camps?
As efforts to restore the PLO’s unity intensified, we noticed
an escalation of the reactionary-US-Zionist aggression against
the PLO and the bases of the Palestinian revolution, especially
in Lebanon. The Israeli belligerence which we experience daily
in Lebanon... is also being applied against the popular uprising
in occupied Palestine. This uprising has spread throughout
-Ramallah, Nazareth, Al Khalil, Gaza and Jenin - leaving the
Zionists disconcerted. The Israeli officials have expressed their
worry by tightening the iron fist. We are aware that the
enemy’s worries stem from the anticipated future rise in the
struggle. This popular, militant, political movement in the oc- - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 25
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