Democratic Palestine : 26 (ص 32)
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- Democratic Palestine : 26 (ص 32)
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Namibia such projects would obviously target the unanimous
mass support to SWAPO and its persist guerrilla warfare
against occupation.
Along with Taiwan, ‘Israel’ is the only state to deal with the
bantustans created by the Pretoria regime to finalize the Black
masses’ dispossession of their rights in South Africa. By 1985,
there were about 60 Israeli entrepreneurs operating in Ciskei
whose puppet rulers are known for their brutality and corrup-
tion; 200 Israeli citizens were working there as advisors, en-
trepreneurs or technicians, when a scandal broke out, revealing
the depths of Zionist cynicism in these exploitative ventures.
Charging corruption, the Ciskei government terminated the
contracts of Yosef Schneider (former Kahane aid) and Nat
Rosenwasser (member of Herut’s Central Committee) who had
served as Ciskei’s trade commissioners in ‘Israel’ for three
years; the trade mission was closed. Among the contracts
under investigation, «many were awarded to shell companies
which then subcontracted the entire contract to South African
companies» (Jerusalem Post, July 31, 1985). In another case,
a pilot training project was awarded to an Israeli company to
the tune of $10 million, which Ciskei officials claim would
have been cheaper in South Africa.
WHO CONDEMNS APARTHEID?
In 1985, with emergency rule clamped on the masses in
South Africa, eliciting broad international protests, the Israeli
cabinet condemned apartheid for the first time - and for op-
portunistic reasons. Hoping to maintain its ‘democratic’ image
in the West, and further its reentry into Black African states,
‘Israel’ offered a verbal condemnation for public comsump-
tion. Practice was something different as relations continued
unabated. Zionist ‘sympathy’ for the anti-apartheid struggle
was expressed in the official reception of Chief Buthelezi in
‘Israel’ in August 1985; he is the only Black leader in South
Africa, with any following, who advocates a moderate solution
with Pretoria, while directly attacking the historical leader of
the anti-apartheid struggle, the ANC. Israeli aid was offered to
Buthelezi’s tribal homeland, Kwazulu, which Pretoria presents
as an alternative to the ANC’s struggle for genuine democracy
and majority rule. In the same period, Prime Minister Peres
asked Absorption Minister Tsur to «prepare a plan for the ab-
sorption of South African Jews seeking to escape the upheaval
in their country» (Jerusalem Post, August 1985).
Also in 1985, as South African security forces shot down,
beat and arrested anti-apartheid activists by the thousands, two
delegations of South African security men were given red
carpet treatment by the Israeli military and police forces who
demonstrated smoke and tear gas grenades for them. A South
African purchasing mission in November, 1985, was treated to
a demonstration of the use of the electronic border fence in the
Jordan Valley Usraeli Foreign Affairs, February 1986).
In July, 1986, the Cheetah, South Africa’s new fighter
bomber, was unveiled. PW Botha called it «our response to the
imposition of sanctions against us,» and the defense minister
termed it «a new iron fist.» The Cheetah is also a manifestation
of the Israeli role in bolstering Pretoria’s aggressive capacity.
It is a remake of the Israeli Kfir (modeled after the French
Mirage), based on an old Mirage overhauled with help from
the Israeli Aircraft Industries. The engine is on the model of
plans stolen by the Mossad from a Swiss company in 1968
(Israeli Foreign Affairs, August 1986).
In view of the continuing Israeli-South African cooperation,
one can be highly sceptical about tne effect of this year’s Israeli
32
government decision to stop new arms contracts with South
Africa. The decision was, of course, only made because US aid
to ‘Israel’ might be jeopardized by its relations to South
Africa, in view of the anti-apartheid sentiment in the US Con-
gress (generated by Black legislators, not the Reagan Ad-
ministration). This stoppage appears ironic since the for-
malization of South African-Israeli ties occurred under the
impact of US imperialist strategy in the seventies, when Presi-
dent Ford upgraded relations with ‘Israel’ and Kissinger en-
couraged Israeli support for South Africa’s invasion of
Angola. The cooperation may indeed continue. It has always
been kept secret and Iran/contragate has shown the extent to
which the Reagan Administration, CIA and Israeli government
will go to circumvent US congressional restrictions. The scan-
dal has also dealt the imperialist and Zionist forces painful
lessons which could spur them to find more foolproof methods
of continuing their efforts to turn back the tide of history and
stave off popular revolution. So ever more alertness is called
for in monitoring Israeli-South African relations.
ARAB RESPONSIBILITY
The decline in official Arab policies has greatly facilitated
the Israeli comeback in Africa. Hassan II of Morocco, as an
example, is reported to have encouraged the Ivory Coast to
restore relations with the Zionist state. Not only has the Arab
position vis-a-vis ‘Israel’ weakened, but Afro-Arab solidarity
is affected as well. Most serious is that some Arab reactionary
states have been caught circumventing the boycott of South
Africa and its puppet mercenaries. In connection with the
Iran/contragate scandal, it has been revealed that the Saudi
monarchy has been funding UNITA’s subversive war on
Angola. This dates back to agreements made with the US in
connection with the AWACS deal in 1981. In their eagerness to
please the US administration, the Saudi princes involved
themselves in a larger project, helping Reagan get around US
Congress restrictions on the CIA, by financing the counter-
revolutionary forces fighting Nicaragua, Afghanistan and
Mozambique as well. This places Saudi reaction on the same
side as the Zionist state in the global confrontation between the
imperialist forces and the forces of liberation, peace and pro-
gress.
De facto Saudi-Israeli collaboration has resulted in such dir-
ty deals as that reported in Israeli Foreign Affairs, June 1986,
whereby the Saudi businessman Khashogghi helped ‘Israel’ ob-
tain 60 modern Gazelle helicopters as well as armoured cars,
cannons and guns from Egypt. These were shipped to South
Africa and Zaire, most probably intended for UNITA and the
so-called MNR which is fighting the independent government
of Mozambique. The important thing to the conspirators,
aside from the weaponry itself, was the label «made in Egypt»
for this should hide the real identity of those sponsoring
sabotage against Angola and Mozambique.
Such facts serve to accentuate the importance of the PLO’s
role in maintaining Afro-Arab solidarity on an _ anti-
imperialist, anti-racist basis, in the interests of the broad
masses of both regions. The unifying session of the PNC in
April stressed support to the struggle of the peoples in southern
Africa, denouncing the Tel Aviv-Pretoria alliance. Based on its
restored unity and nationalist program, the PLO must work to
consolidate its relations with the national liberation
movements and truly independent governments in Africa,
especially those on the frontline of struggle against apartheid.
This is the real meaning of Afro-Arab solidarity. } - هو جزء من
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