Democratic Palestine : 26 (ص 34)
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- Democratic Palestine : 26 (ص 34)
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27, 1987: «The main cause of the dif-
ficulties that arose in the seventies and
early eighties was that for subjective
reasons we could not realize in time the
need for change, the danger of moun-
ting crisis phenomena in society, and
work out a clear strategy to overcome
them. No Party leader rejected the
bedrock principles of the Leninist
teaching on socialism, but there have
been many deviations from it. The
result has been stagnation in the
economy and social relations.»
GLASNOST’S DIVERSITY
There is, then, a direct connection
between perestroika and glasnost. In
step with restructuring on the economic
level, socialist renewal is sweeping all
fields of life in the Soviet Union,
generating new topics and experimental
forms in film, theater, literature and
public debate. In this context, glasnost
is not a question of concessions to
dissidents; nor is perestroika bowing
down to individual initiative, as some
western commentators like to insinuate.
Both are part of a conscious strategy
for further politicizing Soviet citizens
and upgrading their activities in all
fields from factory work to political
participation to cultural endeavor.
Glasnost is actually a strategy for
strengthening the party’s role, em-
phasizing its political leadership while
eliminating bureaucracy and_ in-
terference in the daily affairs and
decision-making of various associa-
tions and enterprises. Simultaneously,
glasnost is a strategy for having the
state serve the people better, delegating
more freedom and responsibility, so
that cadres and other citizens can more
effectively and creatively perform their
duties and exercise their rights.
SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY
Glasnost is not just a slogan, or an
impetus to verbal debate. It is being
embodied in political reform, in the
creation of new institutions and the
reactivation of others. The role of the
Soviets, the original base of the revolu-
tion and socialist democracy, is being
reinvigorated. Grass-roots women’s
councils, which were prevalent im-
mediately after the revolution but then
became inactive, are being formed
again in al] localities. Associations of
creative workers, such as the National
Theater Workers’ Union formed in
December 1986, have been assigned an
equal status with state cultural bodies in
their field. A broad electoral reform is
underway, beginning with this
summer’s local council elections which
featured choice of candidates in some
districts and secret balloting.
The Soviet leadership is aware that
the changes contemplated require time
-some Officials estimate a five-year
period before real results emerge. Also,
like any revolutionary process, glasnost
and perestroika require political,
ideological and real struggle, even con-
flict and personnel changes in the party
and state aparati. All revolutionaries
stand to benefit from the current Soviet
experience, learning how such struggle
unfolds and is resolved in a developed
socialist society where classes and
private property, the sources of an-
tagonistic contradictions in the
capitalist society, have been abolished.
In this respect, Gorbachev’s remarks at
the June plenary meeting of the CPSU
Central Committee are enlightening.
Comrade Gorbachev makes an impromptu visit to a Moscow neighborhood.
Sa RE
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