Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 7)
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- Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 7)
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this evaluation of the outcome of the split, but I have two
questions. The first is: What was the qualitatively new thing
which the DFLP represented in the Palestinian arena? The se-
cond is: What was the effect of that split on the conflict bet-
ween the Palestinian left and right, at that time and today?
As for the future, I can say with confidence that the PFLP
has overcome the experience of splits. The greatest proof of this
is that all the rumors of impending splits in the PFLP over the
past ten years, and especially after 1982, have proved to be
mere illusions on the part of those who spread these rumors.
Having courageously studied the experience of the past split,
the PFLP today views with great satisfaction the high level of
political, organizational and ideological unity in our ranks. We
are confident that all these illusions and rumors will be shat-
tered on the rocks of our unity.
TRANS FORMATION
How far has the transformation process come?
I believe that our coming fifth congress will deal with the big
question: Did we conclude the transformation process, or do
we still need more time to achieve this goal? Personally, I will
be supporting the viewpoint, based on knowledge, that the
transformation process has proceeded successfully, and that
we have become one of the models for the tranformation of a
revolutionary democratic organization into a communist
organization; that we have concluded or are near the conclu-
sion of the transformation process.
The yardstick for measuring the correctness of this judge-
ment is how the Leninist principles are practiced. The most
important of these principles concern the party’s ideological
and class nature, its adherence to the principle of democratic
centralism, the practice of criticism and self-criticism, etc.
Evaluating the PFLP by this scientific yardstick, I can confirm
that we have concluded, or nearly concluded the transforma-
tion process, and this will be my viewpoint at the fifth con-
gress...
The process of concluding the transformation over the coming
years is intertwined with two main tasks. The first of these is to
consolidate relations between the Palestinian revolutionary
democratic forces, so that they become the guarantee of the
revolution... We deeply believe in the necessity of unifying the
Palestinian left in order to build the united Palestinian com-
munist party.
The second task is to struggle on two fronts. The first front
is to strengthen the political line of the PLO in order to main-
tain its nature as a liberation movement opposing imperialism
and Zionism, and to confront any deviationist trends. The se-
cond front is to consecrate democratic principles in the PLO’s
institutions and bodies. These tasks may need several years to
achieve.
Does the role played by the PFLP today measure
up to the original expectations at the time of its
foundation?
I want to answer this honestly and clearly. We have hoped to
have a bigger role among the masses and in the revolution and
the PLO. However, there are reasons for the gap between our
dreams and the reality.
First, in Jordan, the revolution was made up of two main
groups, and we succeeded in making the left a competitive and
equal pole in relation to the right. We have worked so that the
positions of the working class in the revolution would be
distinguished in programs, organization and behaviour, in
contrast to the bourgeois program represented by Fatah...
Despite the bitter experience of the splits, we succeeded in
maintaining this competitive pole... This was expressed spon-
taneously in the slogan shouted by the masses at that time:
«For national unity - Fatah and Popular Front.»
Second, in Lebanon, the situation was somehow different,
especially with the PLO’s achievements, like its gaining Arab
and international recognition. This helped the influential
(bourgeois) pole in the PLO to exploit these achievements to its
own advantage. Here we should point out that the alliance
between the Palestinian right, which was leading the PLO, and
the Arab right is organic. It stems from many factors, mainly
the Arab right’s need for a Palestinian cover for its capitula-
tionist policies. Naturally, this alliance provided the Palesti-
nian right with great material support, including arms, which
helped the balance of forces in the Palestinian arena to tilt in its
favor.
After 1982, the importance of the Palestinian revolution’s
primary operation base, i.e., occupied Palestine, was increas-
ed. The PFLP gained more strength in the Palestinian balance
of forces, due to its influence in occupied Palestine, which gave
it a bigger role among the masses and in the revolution...
The important thing here is that we have always hoped the
Palestinian left would have a bigger role in the revolution,
because we believe that the left is the guarantee for protecting
the Palestinian national achievements and for the revolution’s
continuation... Again, I want to reaffirm that the Palestinian
right and left are in a state of national unity in confronting the
enemy camp, and especially the Zionist enemy.
THE PLO
The relationship between the PFLP and the PLO
has fluctuated over the years. Can you describe the
most prominent stages in this relationship and ex-
plain these fluctuations?
Participating or not participating in the PLO institutions
and leading bodies cannot be the only measure of the PFLP’s
relationship to the PLO, although it is an essential measure.
This phenomenon, connected to the political and organiza-
tional conflict in the PLO, was never an expression of change
in the PFLP’s position towards the PLO as the sole, legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people.
Participation in the PNC is among the essential criteria for.
adherence to the PLO, but it should be clear to all that the
PFLP participated in the PNC except for a few specific occa-
sions and for specific reasons that had nothing to do with the
PFLP’s conviction in the importance of the PLO. We did not
participate in the 5th and 17th sessions of the PNC; we par-
ticipated only symbolically in the 6th session. In all others, we
participated, which shows that our lack of participation has
been minimal.
In fact, our literature has always outlined the reasons for our
not participating in these sessions. Concerning the fifth ses-
sion, we proposed during the discussions to include Arab reac-
tion in the enemy camp. We had in mind the upcoming battle
with the Jordanian regime and the need for a scientific
understanding of Arab reaction’s position on the Palestinian
revolution. To us, this issue was not superficial or unimpor- »>
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- Democratic Palestine : 27
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