Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 10)
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- Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 10)
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Amman accord, specific organizational reforms and other
PNC resolutions. The PFLP wages the conflict on strenght and
principles, and unites on the same basis.
In addition to the law of conflict and alliance, another
reason lies behind this phenomenon. The PFLP sometimes
makes mistakes and misjudgements, and based on these mis-
judgements the Front takes wrong stands. The PFLP
courageously admits those errors, unlike other organizations
which have the illusion that they never make mistakes. We
make mistakes, but when we discover them, we correct them
publicly.
An example was our stand after the rightist trend in the PLO
signed the Amman accord with the Jordanian regime. We
thought that the rightist trend had accpeted the Jordanian
conditions and that a bilateral settlement with «Israel» was
destined. But after King Hussein’s February 19th 1986 speech,
in which he ceased the coordination with the rightist trend, we
realized that the settlement road was a rocky road and that the
new objective conditions have paved the road for restoring the
PLO’s unity on clear political and organizational lines.
I would like to clarify another point. The political movement
is a vacillating one. Consequently the PFLP formulates its
stands with the new political developments in mind. This
vacillation requires that the PFLP’s stands change as well.
What became of the slogan «liberating all of
Palestine»? What are the prospects for such a
slogan given the fact that «Israel» now is a nuclear
power?
The world has known for a long time that «Israel» owns
nuclear weapons. We also realize the great development in the
Zionist military strategy and technology. And we realise that
these facts will reflect themselves on our struggle and would
add more obstacles.
The most important goals of this nuclear blackmail is to create
the willingness to surrender in the Arab and Palestinian minds.
But at the same time several considerations should be taken
mito mind. First, the US nuclear deterrence strategy failed in
Vietnam. And Washington failed also in preventing other na-
tions during the detente era from gaining their independence
and liberation. Second, the Israeli nuclear blackmail strategy
will become not only a problem for the Palestinian people but
an international problem as well, threatening world peace.
Third, «Israel» realizes that using nuclear weapons would un-
doubtedly be a threat to itself as well. I am not playing down
the danger of this situation, this weapon or the obstacle it adds
to our struggle path, but I believe that this threat will never
prevent the process of liberating all of Palestine. This is our
principle line, but at the same time we cannot be dogmatic in
our analysis. We cannot predict the solutions for future pro-
blems. We are dialectical, and we take stands in accordance
with the circumstances.
Don’t you think that there is a big difference
between the US military presence in Vietnam and
the Israeli presence in Palestine? The US had two
choices, either stay or withdraw. But «Israel’s» two
options are survival or death. Don’t you think that
these options would prompt «Israel» to use the
nuclear weapon?
10
As I said before it is a difficult task to outline a precise
scenario for future events. But there is a possibility that
«Israel» might find itself one day faced with a big question:
faced with the options of death or life, what kind of life do we
want? is it the expansionist presence or the peaceful coexistence
presence? Isn’t it possible, given the possibility of shifting the
balance of forces in the area in the Palestinian people’s favor,
that a change in the present thinking of the Zionist state might
take place? Where it will consider maintaining its «citizens» in
a democratic Palestinian state might be the safest method to
SUIVIVe.
These and other questions emphasize the difficulty of giving
detailed answers in advance. These questions after all belong to
a future era in the Arab—Zionist conflict. And given the pre-
sent decline in the official Arab policies, one cannot give
answers in advance. For this will certainly lead to mistakes and
misjudgements.
How can the Palestinian people’s inalienable na-
tional rights be achieved given the present world
formula that seeks to solve the Palestinian problem
in a way that might bypass the minimum level of
these rights?
I strongly believe that the Soviet. Union is committed to the
Palestinian people’s inalienable rights as the minimum level
required for any solution to the Palestinian problem and the
Arab—Zionist conflict. The Soviet Union will continue adher-
ing to these rights as long as the Palestinian side maintains its
adherence and struggle. During my last visit to the Soviet
Union, this commitment was clearly outlined. A senior
Soviet official said that the only change in their stand is their
willingness to talk with the Israelis. The official added that in
these talks the Soviet Union has reaffirmed its well-known
positions towards the Middle East crisis and the Palestinian
problem, which emphasize the Israeli withdrawal from the
1967 occupied territories, self-determination for the Palesti-
nian people and the establishment of an independent Palesti-
nian state, through the international peace conference with the
participation of all concerned parties, the permanent members
of the UN security council and the PLO on equal footings.
During the past 20 years of Struggle, to what extent
did the concept of operational bases prove itself
scientifically sound?
By no way, should the concept of operational bases be
assessed in the light of the present conditions of the Palestinian
Revolution outside occupied Palestine. The difficulties and the
obstacles facing the Revolution’s second base, in Lebanon,
should not be taken as evidence to the fall of this concept,
which is scientifically and practically correct and appropriate
for the Palestine question, with the Palestinian people’s status
of «diaspora» and the nature of the battle mounted against the
Zionist-imperialist enemy, kept in mind.
The major part of the Palestinian people are living outside
their homeland, and that is why the concept of operational
bases was adopted. It was further crystalized and developed by
our deeper understanding of the nature of the enemy and of
our determination to achieve victory.
The Palestinian Revolution has faced a great deal of dif- - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 27
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