Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 13)

غرض

عنوان
Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 13)
المحتوى
mally among the region’s countries, and its connection to
Zionism is not inevitable, neither the role it was supposed to
play for imperialism. And consequently major forces in the
Arab communist movement and progressive world public
opinion outlined their stands concerning «Israel» on that basis.
In contrast to this viewpoint which prevailed after WW II
and as a result of the holocaust, another viewpoint considered
«Israel» a crystallization of the Zionist project and a
materialization of the organic bonds and joint interests of
imperialism and Zionism in this region. «Israel» has become
an indivisible part of imperialism’s world policies. In addition
to its role in this region, «Israel» is playing an important role in
supporting fascist and racist regimes in Latin America, Central
America and Africa. And «Israel» today is a partner in the US’
SDI program which is a threat to all humanity. In addition to
its well-known participation in the anti-USSR campaign.
It becomes natural thus to conclude that after 40 years, the
organic bond between «Israel» and -world Zionism and bet-
ween «Israel» and world Zionism on one hand and imperialism
on the other hand is a reality. This bond aims at increasing the
role of «Israel» as a partner in executing aggressive plans and
profiting from these plans. This fact is materialized by the
«Strategic Alliance» agreement between «Israel» and the US.
This alliance only reconfirms the organic bond between
«Israel», Zionism and world imperialism.
The logic which views the Arabs’ stand in rejecting the ex-
istence of «Israel» has pushed matters that far, is totally in-
correct. This could be seen in «Israel’s» continuous aggression
and expansion despite the fact that the Jordanian army was
mainly concerned with protecting «Israel’s» borders, the Jor-
danian regime’s and other Arab regime’s acceptance of the UN
resolution 242, and the willingness of most Arab states to
recognize «Israel» and to negotiate with it. This is the reality of
«Israel» and the reality of Zionism. The PFLP deals with
realities, and based on these realities takes its stands. The ag-
gressive expansionist nature of the Zionist state and the role it
plays in imperialism’s world policies will undoubtedly help dig
its own grave.
Relations with Israeli democatic forces
It should be clear to all that any evaluation of the Israeli
democratic forces should be connected directly and dialec-
tically to the nature of the Israeli society and to the background
of «lIsrael’s» establishment from economic, political and
historical perspectives. Added to that is these forces’ viewpoint
on how to solve the «Jewish problem», given the nature of the
Zionist state, the scopes of its development and its internal
contradictions.
First I would like to point out that the strategic slogan raised
by the PFLP since its establishment was «establishing the
people’s democratic Palestinian state», where total equality
prevails, notwithstanding sex, religion and race. It is natural
thus, that the Palestinian and Arab struggle should intercon-
nect with the struggle of the democratic and progressive forces
in «Israel» which raise slogans that conform with the Palesti-
nian revolution’s slogans and have anti-Zionist stands
ideologically and practically. And we have worked for a long
period emphasizing this point in the PNC’s resolutions,
particularly in the 13 th, 14 th, 15 th, 16 th sessions and was
reconfirmed in last April’s session of the PNC. We realize that
there should be a distinction between the Israeli democratic
and progressive forces and the Zionist forces. Neglecting these
differences only harms the Palestinian revolution. It confuses
the Palestinian masses and provides a Palestinian cover for
Arab—dZionist contacts, in addition to weakening the stands of
the Palestinian revolution’s Arab and international alliances
and the role of the Israeli democratic and progressive forces
themselves. ; .
The PFLP does not underestimate the importance of taking
advantage of the internal contradictions in the Zionist state,but
we should not overestimate the weight and influence of these
contradictions in the present period. Although some Zionist
circles have begun calling for an Israeli withdrawal from parts
of the occupied territories, as a result of the growing political,
military and demographical role of the Palestinian factor and
the fear for the security of the Zionist state, these circles are
not influential in the decision-making and still adhere to the
Zionist ideology which is based on expansionism and negating
the existence of the Palestinian people.
Some people say that this period of the Palestinian struggle
is dedicated to gaining the inalienable national rights of the
Palestinian people, and that all stands which serve reaching
this goal should be taken advantage of. But this viewpoint
overlooks what I have mentioned about the organic bonds
between «Israel», Zionism and world imperialism, which
necessitates a dialectical interconnection in waging the battle
on all levels and fields. We are fighting against «Israel» and
Zionism at the same time. Our fight to maintain the UN
resolution 3379, which views Zionism as racism, is a tactical
battle closely linked to accumulating victories to reach the
strategical goal.
Based on this, the PFLP registered its reservation on the
resolution adopted in the April unification session of the PNC,
which called for establishing contacts with democratic Israeli
forces without specifying an anti-Zionist nature and stands of
these forces. The PFLP considers this resolution a-gap from
which some reactionary Palestinian forces could take advan-
tage of to contact influential Zionist forces. And this was
manifested clearly in the Amirav-Nusseibeh meeting (Amirav
is a member of the Herut party and Nusseibeh is a Palestinian
professor).
My aim from this review is to outline the dangers behind
legitimizing and demanding contacts with Zionist forces, par-
ticularly in this period of declining official Arab policies,
manifested clearly in the resolutions of the Amman Arab
summit.
When dealing with this issue, two facts should be taken in
mind. The first one is that the situation of the parties in
«Israel» is vacillating and unstable and this situation is ex-
pressed in the splits and mergers that occured and which plague
the democratic forces as well. The second fact is the growth of
the rightist and fascist trend in the Israeli society in contrast to
the limited size and effects of the Israeli democratic forces.
And this could be clearly seen in the results of the Knesset elec-
tions and polls. In the 11 th Knesset elections, the Democratic
Front for Peace and Equality gained only 5,800 Jewish votes,
whereas Kahana gained 20,000 Jewish votes, which clearly in-
dicates the forementioned fact. Despite that, this doen’t mean
that the Zionist state has no internal contradictions or that the
laws of class struggle do not apply to it. But this requires the
Palestinian revolution to outline at every stage, the methods of
dealing with this issue and to take advantage of these con-
tradictions in a way that serves the just Palestinian struggle to
achieve the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people
to establish an independent state. @
13
هو جزء من
Democratic Palestine : 27
تاريخ
ديسمبر ١٩٨٧
المنشئ
الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين

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