Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 17)

غرض

عنوان
Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 17)
المحتوى
work. These shortcomings occurred in the context of harsh
objective conditions experienced by the revolution after the
September 1970 massacres in Jordan, The outcome of the
conflict with the Jordanian regime was that the longest border
with occupied Palestine was closed to the Palestinian fighters,
while quiet prevailed on other fronts. This left the resistance in
-occupied Palestine alone in its confrontation of the occupation
forces.
Since that time, the PFLP has worked to consolidate its
political and mass work in the occupied Palestine, to fill the
gaps noted above. At the same time, the armed struggle re-
‘mains a daily concern for the PFLP based on conviction that it
is the highest form of struggle against the Zionist enemy.
Developing the armed struggle against the Zionists’ fascist
violence has been accompanied by broadening it as a popular
trend. Stonethrowing, using knives and the now extensive use
of molotov cocktails have become common freatures of the
Palestinian masses’ war against the occupation.
The importance of the armed struggle has been discussed in
all of the Front’s congresses. In Tasks of the New Stage, the
PFLP outlined some negative aspects of the revolution’s work
prior to 1972:
1. The resistance movement in general relied on purely military
action, sending commando groups from the outside, without
consideration for working among the masses in occupied
Palestine, to create secret cells and bases capable of continuing
the organized-armed struggle.
2. This way of working neglected the political aspect of the
struggle whereby the masses could be organized to create a
revolutionary climate that would obstruct the enemy’s plans.
3. The resistance’s political absence in the occupied land
resulted in the existence of three forms of political activities:(a)
spontaneous nationalist activities; (b) actions led by reac-
tionary and traditional forces; and (c)collaborators’ activities.
4. The Israeli occupation authorities exploited the situation;
they based their program on pushing the resistance gradually
eastwards (1967-70),as a prelude to liquidating it after isolating
it from the masses. They succeeded in this in the West Bank,
but failed in the Gaza Strip.
5. Meanwhile, the occupation authorities focused on creating
Among those released in the 1985 prisoner exchange were many of the cadres
who pioneered the armed resistance after the 1967 occupation.
daily living problems so that the masses would be absorbed in
solving these. Again, the aim was to isolate the resistance
movement from the masses, so that the former could be
crushed by the military and security forces; this was the ra-
tionale for the open bridges, employing Arab labor, etc.
On the basis of this assessment, the Front outlined its
understanding and programs to confront these problems.
A DISTINGUISHED POLITICAL LINE
From the beginning, the PFLP was distinguished by its
mature, farsighted political thinking. It confronted every at-
tempt to weaken the masses’ steadfastness or to obscure the
main battle. The Front’s main slogan has always been to unite
all efforts against the occupation. It was on the forefront in
rejecting all plans that aimed, directly or indirectly, at li-
quidating the Palestinian cause. In the recent period, the Front
was the first organization to expose the danger of the plan for
joint Israeli—Jordanian administration and the Jordanian
regime’s policy of normalizing relations with ‘Israel’ prior to
signing any agreement. The Front has also exposed and con-
fronted the Jordanian regime’s plan for «improving the quality
of life» of the people in the occupied territories.
The unity of the people, the land and the cause has been
basic in the Front’s positions. Any weakness in this dialectical
unity dilutes the essence of the Palestinian cause. Despite the
particularities of the Palestinian people living in the West
Bank, Gaza Strip, 1948 occupied territories or abroad, the
PFLP views the people and their struggle as one. Any call for
distinguishing between these communities would serve the
enemy’s plans.Likewise,attempts to repartition the Palestinian
homeland serve the interests of the occupation.
This understanding does not contradict with the PFLP’s
understanding of the policy of stages and interim goals in the
Palestinian struggle. As stated in the PFLP’s 4th congress
political report, the Palestinians’ goals will not necessarily be
achieved all at once. However, the policy of pursuing interim
goals should not replace the strategy of the struggle.
Establishing an independent Palestinian state in any liberated
part of Palestine would be a great advance in the context of a
comprehensive strategy for liberating all of Palestine.
The PFLP realizes the importance of unifying all nationalist
efforts to confront the occupation and defeat all conspiracies.
Accordingly, the PFLP was among the pioneering forces in the
establishment of the Palestinian National Front in 1973. The
PFLP exerted great efforts to help the National Front become
the arm of the PLO in the occupied homeland, based on con-
viction that confronting the occupation is the job of all the
resistance organizations and the masses, and that division
among the Palestinian forces would only be to the occupation’s
advantage. The Zionist enemy is united in its strategy against
the Palestinian people, so no Palestinian party should stand in
the way of uniting all against the occupation, for such disunity
would weaken the resistance.
The biggest weakness in the Palestinian arena is the political
differences that exist in the leadership of the resistance move-
ment. Although these differences have objective, class roots,
they should not be allowed to divide the base of the revolution
and cripple the struggle, as happened in the division after 1982.
The differences should never obscure the objective conditions,
especially in the occupied land where the enemy is clearly iden-
tified, so there is no reason for not unifying to confront it.
With their spontaneous nationalist instinct, the Palestinian
masses have always overcome these differences and united in p>
17
هو جزء من
Democratic Palestine : 27
تاريخ
ديسمبر ١٩٨٧
المنشئ
الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين

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