Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 18)

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Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 18)

المحتوى

the field. This was seen in the camp war when all Palestinians
united, despite political differences, to protect the armed
presence in Lebanon. Over the years, the Palestinian masses’
unity in occupied Palestine has been a living testimony to this
fact.
In the PFLP’s view,the failure of the Palestinian National
Front was due to the hegemonic policy of the Palestinian
right-wing leadership, despite its having approved this front in
theory. Faced with the demise of the National Front, the PFLP
has exerted all efforts to rebuild it. Unfortunately, these efforts
have yet to materialize. However, the reunification of the PLO
in April paves the way for a genuine, new drive to this end.
TWO BASES FOR THE REVOLUTION
The PFLP’s view that there are two bases of the revolution
relies on the dialectical relationship between the struggle inside
and outside occupied Palestine, as well as the relationship
between the Palestinian and Arab nationalist struggle. Scien-
tific analysis of the nature of the Zionist enemy and the direct.
threat it poses to the Arab masses and their progressive and
nationalist forces, reveals that objectively the Arab masses are
an organic part of the ongoing conflict. Confronting the
Zionist entity becomes a direct task for the Arab masses and
progressive and nationalist forces. In the absence of this pan-
Arab dimension, the Palestinian revolution loses its strategic
depth - in geographic, demographic and economic terms. The
PFLP posits the central and strategic need for a supportive
operational base (outside occupied Palestine). Without a high
level of material and moral support from the Palestinian
masses in exile and the Arab national liberation movement, the
struggle in occupied Palestine will be incapable of enforcing
the needed change in the balance of forces. The PFLP’s view 1s
not merely a political slogan. Rather it issues from an analysis
of the class aspect of the Arab-Zionist conflict and an
understanding of the tools required to achieve the Palestinian
and Arab masses’ goals. Changing the present level of struggle,
where no Palestinian land has been liberated, into a level
allowing for liberation, is closely connected to great changes in
the structure of the Palestinian and Arab liberation movement.
It requires that the leadership pass from the bourgeoisie to the
working class. This change would ultimately affect the nature
of the confrontation, and facilitate the objective and subjective
conditions needed for victory.
This conception also takes into account the class, social,
economic and ideological nature of the Zionist enemy and its
position on the international level. The PFLP has long con-
fronted the viewpoint that neglected analysis of the nature of
the Zionist enemy, and justified contacts with Zionist forces on
the pretext of infiltrating the enemy’s internal front. In con-
trast, the PFLP outlined its position for dealing with
democratic Israeli forces, and clarified the extent of their in-
fluence in the Israeli political arena, without harboring illu-
sions Or wagering on internal change in ‘Israel’. A clear, scien-
tific analysis of the Zionist movement, its role in the capitalist
system and its relations to the state of ‘Israel’, has governed the
PFLP’s strategy and tactics. Any defect in realizing these ob-
jective facts would doubtless lead to political deviation.
MASS WORK
The PFLP policies for mass and union work stem from its
strategic view of the masses as the main force in the process of
change. The Front’s documents clearly show that a revolu-
tionary party cannot play its historical role without relying on
18
the masses’ strength and support. As a political line, this has
never been evaded by the Front. However, there was relative
delay in establishing mass organizations and participating in
unions in occupied Palestine, due to several factors. One, the
PFLP’s general tendency was for military action with little
consideration given to mass work. Two, the Front was inex-
perienced in this field due to its youth and inadequately scien-
tific understanding of mass work; it had only recently emerged
from the Arab Nationalist Movement which operated chiefly
on the regional plane and had a totally different understanding
of mass work.
The PFLP, however, succeeded in overcoming this lack due
to its distinguished militant heritage and the mass support to its
policies. In addition, the Front’s orientation towards Palesti-
nian national unity led it to participate in the already
established mass frameworks rather than creating its own.
Still, the unifying approach was always confronted with a fac-
tional trend that viewed the Front’s unity policy as a weakness
and attempted to exploit this to its own advantage. This led the
PFLP to establish mass organizations supportive of its
political line, without neglecting the goal of unifying all mass
organizations to achieve a unity that would prevail in leading
the struggle. Unification of ull unions and mass organizations
remains a slogan of the PFLP’s work in the occupied land.
The same policy is applied to unions. The PFLP has thus far
proven to be the most committed to the unity of the General
Trade Union Confederation in the West Bank, condernning all
attempts to divide the ranks of the Palestinian working class,
for this would be detrimental to this class and to the overall
mass struggle. The Front has always worked towards preven-
ting any division, but the Confederation has in fact been twice
divided in recent years. The PFLP, along with other Palesti-
nian resistance organizations in the PLO, is currently engaged
in efforts to rectify this situation.
Alongside consistent work for unified mass organizations
and unions, the PFLP has always worked to upgrade the
masses’ political and militant level, and has succeeded in this
field. The mass organizations supportive of the PFLP’s line
have always been in the forefront of the struggle; they are
characterized by a high level of militancy. In other fields of
mass work, various forms of mobilization have been
employed, based on an understanding of the circumstances of
the various sectors of the masses. The Front has amassed a rich
experience in the fields of working with students, women,
workers, etc. There is also mass work carried out via sports
clubs, medical emergency committees, committees for defen-
ding the land and the camps, and cultural groups for
safeguarding Palestinian heritage.
PFLP: TARGET OF ZIONIST AGGRESSION
The PFLP, with what it represents in political, military and
ideological terms, has been targeted by the enemy which views
its line as a threat. Many efforts have been exerted by the oc-
cupation authorities to try and eliminate the Front’s organiza-
tion in Palestine. This was very obvious during 1985 and 1986
when PFLP cadres were numerous among the hundreds of
militants and activists who were arrested in occupied Palestine,
and the scores who were deported.
The attacks against the Front attest to its status in the strug-
gle in the occupied land. Despite the ferocity of the attacks, it
was proven that the PFLP has accumulated an experience that
helped it in resisting siege and going on to consolidate its
organizational structure and its support among the masses. @

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Democratic Palestine : 27

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