Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 49)
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- Democratic Palestine : 27 (ص 49)
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previous six years, Abdo had become President Sarkis’ right-
hand man... serving as the president’s primary contact with
Bashir and the American diplomats in Beirut...» (Schiff, p.
287).
When this scenario did not pan out, Israeli policy in
Lebanon was reduced to what it really was anyway: occupa-
tion, blackmail and attempts at population transfer, to create a
security belt for itself, steal the Litani water and eliminate as
many Palestinians and patriotic Lebanese as possible. This was
the background for the May 17, 1983 treaty which com-
promised Lebanon’s sovereignty until being abrogated by the
heroic struggle of Lebanese and Palestinian patriots, backed by
Syria. In the absence of a treaty with the Lebanese state,
‘Israel’ has continued its relations with the fascist forces in the
North and South, encouraging their aggression and steps
toward partition, trying to again create a situation whereby it
can move to control all Lebanon.
ZIONISM AND THE SHAH —
TWIN IMPERIALIST OUTPOSTS
Before being demised by the Iranian people’s uprising, the
Zionist state’s relations with Iran marked one of the most suc-
cessful implementations of the US’s ‘Vietnamization’ strategy.
US hegemony in the Middle East was to be secured by two
gendarme regimes - ‘Israel’ on the Mediterranean side and Iran
in the Gulf. ‘Israel’ joined the US in supplying arms to make
the Shah’s Iran a fortress for guarding the oil fields and strik-
ing liberation movements, such as the PFLO in Oman. Israeli
military exports to Iran in turn contributed greatly to the
imperialist-Zionist strategy of strengthening the Israeli
economic base via militarizing its industry and export. For ex-
ample, Tadiran, the third largest Israeli industrial firm, sold
whole arms factories to Iran. «Iran before the revolution was
purchasing half a billion dollars worth of Israeli goods, mostly
«Israel» - the US’s Trojan horse in the Middle East.
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arms. Perhaps a third of Israel’s arms export market disap-
peared with the revolution» (MERIP Middle East Report No.
144, January - February 1987, page 2). The Shah’s overthrow
meant $225 million in Israeli losses in 1978 and the same for
1979; 2,000 workers were dismissed from Sultan, an artillery
manufacturer, as a result (Shahak, Israel, Israe!’s Global Role.
Weapons for Repression, 1982, p. 36). Recovering this market
was a main motivation for Israeli involvement in the Reagai:
Administration’s «arms-for-hostages» deal.
Besides bolstering Iran’s aggressive regional stance, the
Zionist state contributed heavily to the Shah regime’s internal
repression. Yaacov Nimrodi, an Israeli arms dealer who was
pivotal in Irangate, was heard to boast: «I built the Iranian in-
telligence» (MERIP No. 144, p. 3). Nimrodi was originally a
military intelligence officer and served as the Israeli military
attache to Iran from 1960 to 1974, while the Israeli intelligence
trained the torturers of SAVAK, the Shah’s extensive and
hated secret police network.
Israeli relations with Iran preceded the 1956 attack on Egypt
as the Zionist state tried to rally allies in its crusade against the
Arab national movement and the spread of communism. Ac-
cording to the CIA report on the Mossad, which was found in
the US embassy in Tehran after the Iranian revolution: «A
formal trilateral liaison called the ‘Trident’ organization was
established by Mossad with Turkey’s National Security Service
(TNSS) and Iran’s National Organization for Intelligence and
Security (SAVAK) in late 1958... The general terms of the
original agreement with the Turks, aside from legitimizing
Israeli liaison with Turkey, stated that Mossad would furnish
information on the activity of Soviet agents in Turkey and
those working against Turkey throughout the Middle East. In
return, the Turks agreed to supply Israel with information on
the political intentions of the Arab countries which could af-
fect the security of Israel, and the activity and identifications
of the UAR agents working against Israel... Mossad has
engaged in joint operations with SAVAK over the years since
the late 1950s. The Israelis also regularly transmitted to the
Iranian intelligence reports on Egypt’s activities in the Arab
countries, trends and developments in Iraq, and communist
activities affecting Iran» (as reprinted in Al Fajr, January 28,
1983).
Iran was the only regional power to make a significant con-
tribution to Israeli aggression in the early period: It supplied
oil to the Zionist state during the 1967 war. Though full
diplomatic relations were never established, the Zionist-Shah
cooperation extended even to the nuclear field.
As reported in The Observer of February 2,,1986, «In spring
1977 Shimon Peres, by then Defense Minister, flew to Tehran
for talks with the Shah. The outcome was a secret $1 billion
oil-for-arms agreement which covered six military projects, the
most important of which was Flower.» Flower was the
codename for a project to build a nuclear missile. In July 1977,
Iranian Defense Minister Toufani was hosted by his Zionist
counterpart at a test showing of the prototype missile, minus
nuclear warhead, in the Negev. Toufani was «inpatient for it
to be deployed along his country’s long borders with the Soviet
Union and Iraq.» The Shah regime contributed to funding the
project in the form of a guaranteed supply of 80 million barrels
of oil. The deal was arranged through a Swiss front company !
49 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 27
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- ديسمبر ١٩٨٧
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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