Democratic Palestine : 28 (ص 35)
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- Democratic Palestine : 28 (ص 35)
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Shamir’s position appeared early on as
a main obstacle to the US plan. During
the Israeli prime minister’s mid-March
visit to Washington D.C., a senior State
Department official quoted Schultz as
telling Shamir: «No one should con-
sider any differences that we may have
as deeply divisive.» This official said
that the US was not disturbed by
Shamir’s rejection of Schultz’s land-
for-peace formula... «That’s not the
Israeli position,» the official said, «It’s
the position of one of the parties»
(Associated Press, March 16th).
Though the Reagan Administration
is intent on regaining the initiative in
the Middle East, it is highly tolerant of
Israeli obstructionism. This reveals the
Schultz plan to be, at least in part, a
maneuver to buy time whereby ‘Israel’
has a second chance to beat down the
uprising. Concurrent to these political
maneuvers, ‘Israel’ has added
strangulation to its violent methods,
imposing permanent night curfew on
camps, cutting telephone lines between
the occupied territories and the outside
world, banning travel between the West
Bank and Gaza Strip, and imposing a
fuel blockade.
Prospects for the Schultz plan appear
dim in view of the fact that only the
Egyptian regime has supported it un-
conditionally, while the PLO rejected it
outright. The Arab response has been
generally cool. On March 13th, Syria’s
foreign minister, Farouk Al Sharaa,
declared, «We have studied the
American proposal and we think the
plan, as presented to us, is not accep-
table. We also believe that it is not ac-
ceptable to any other Arab side.» So
far, official responses have not been
delivered to Schultz. While the Jorda-
nian regime has joined in criticizing
points of the US plan, there are indica-
tions that hesitancy about publicly
supporting it is a tactical stance, due to
the impact of the uprising. The rhetoric
being broadcast from Amman about
PLO participation in an international
conference, etc., is most likely also a
tactic, rather than a new Jordanian
position. This analysis is confirmed by
the contents of a March 16th speech by
Jordan’s ambassador to the US,
delivered to a Jewish synagogue group
in Washington D.C. March 16th. The
ambassador went on record as saying
that Jordan is against a Palestinian
state, and accepts direct negotiations
with ‘Israel’ even in the absence of an
international conference and PLO par-
ticipation, as has been proposed by the
US (quoted in the Israeli newspaper,
Yediot Aharanot).
In conclusion, it is important to note
that Shamir’s rejection of the Schultz
plan is a veto against peace in any form
except total Arab surrender and li-
quidation of the Palestinian cause. The
Arab nationalist and Palestinian rejec-
tion of the plan is, on the other hand,
based on the plan’s injustice, while
positing the alternative - a fully em-
powered international conference with
the PLO participating on an equal
footing with other parties. At this
writing, Schultz is scheduled to return
to the Middle East in early April, but
the uprising continues, appearing as the
most weighty factor in rendering the
latest US plan stillborn. @
UN Security Council Resolution 605
Document
a
On 22 December 1987 the UN Security Council adopted Resolution
605 (1987), which reads as follows:
On 22 December 1987 the UN
Security Council adopted
resolution 605 (1987), which
reads as follows:
The Security Council,
Having considered the letter dated 11
December 1987 from the Permanent
Representative of Democratic Yemen
to the United Nations, in his capacity as
Chairman of the Arab Group for the
month of December,
Bearing in mind the inalienable rights
of all peoples recognized by the Charter
of the United Nations and proclaimed
by the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights,
Recalling its relevant resolutions on
the situation in the Palestinian and
other Arab territories, occupied by
Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem,
and including its resolutions 446 (1979),
465 (1980), 497(1981) and 592(1986),
Recalling also the Geneva Conven-
tion relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12
August 1949,
Gravely concerned and alarmed by
the deteriorating situation in the
Palestinian and other Arab territories
occupied by Israel since 1967, in-
cluding Jerusalem,
Taking into account the need to con-
sider measures for the impartial pro-
tection of the Palestinian civilian
population under Israeli occupation,
Considering that the current policies
and practices of Israel, the occupying
Power, in the occupied territories are
bound to have grave consequences for
the endeavors to achieve comprehen-
sive, just and lasting peace in the Mid-
dle East,
1. Strongly deplores those policies
and practices of Israel, the occupying
Power, which violate the human rights
of the Palestinian people in the oc-
cupied territories, and in particular the
opening of fire by the Israeli army
resulting in the killing and wounding of
defenceless Palestinian civilians;
2. Reaffirms that the Geneva Con-
vention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12
August 1949, is applicable to the
Palestinian and other Arab territories
occupied by Israel since 1967, including
Jerusalem;
3. Calls once again upon Israel, the
occupying Power, to abide immediately
and scrupulously by the Geneva Con-
vention relative to the Protection of
Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12
August 1949, and to desist forthwith
from its policies and practices that are
in violation of the provisions of the
Convention;
4. Calls furthermore for the exercise
of maximum restraint to contribute
towards the establishment of peace;
5. Stresses the urgent need to reach a
just, durable and peaceful settlement of
the Arab—Israeli conflict;
6. Requests the Secretary—General
to examine the present situation in the
occupied territories by all means
available to him, and to submit a report
no later than 20 January 1988 contain-
ing his recommendations on ways and
means for ensuring the safety and pro-
tection of the Palestinian civilians
under Israeli occupation;
7. Decides to keep the situation in the
Palestinian and other Arab territories
occupied by Israel since 1967, including
Jerusalem, under review. @
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