Democratic Palestine : 29 (ص 39)
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- Democratic Palestine : 29 (ص 39)
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ject, employees of the state-owned Israeli Aircraft Industries
staged riotous demonstrations against the anticipated layoff of
3,000. Then the demonstrations suddenly stopped.» The
Jerusalem Post, November 9, 1987, wrote about Pretoria’s
recruitment campaign. Around the same time, the Israeli
military closed its special office for recruiting laid-off Lavi
employees, because it had received no applications. The Italian
daily IJ Giornala wrote, «It seems that there is a secret agree-
ment between Israel and South Africa to produce the Lavi air-
craft.» The same newspaper commented that it is «very in-
teresting that the USA does not react to the news about the
production of the Lavi in South Africa,» wondering if the US
had actually given its blessing to the deal.
NATO STATUS
In the last decade, a specific aim of the Zionist leadership in
offering its military and intelligence services to imperialism,
has been attaining for ‘Israel’ a status equivalent to a NATO
ally. General Keegan, head of US air force intelligence,
assessed the Israeli intelligence-gathering role at a Washington
symposium in May 1983, saying: «Today the capacity of the
American Air Force in particular and the American armed
forces in general to defend NATO positions is indebted to the
attention of Israeli intelligence more than any other intelligence
source, in the fields of tracking satellites, electronic listening
posts, etc.» (Yediot Aharanot as translated by AI Fajr,
December 16, 1983).
Following the November 1983 memorandum on strategic
military cooperation, US Defense Secretary Weinberger and
his Israeli counterpart, Arens, signed an unprecedented securi-
ty agreement in March 1984, «integrating Israel into the US
global defense system» (Jerusalem Post, May 25, 1984). In
September of the same year, ‘Israel’ delivered 12 Kfir jets to
the US Navy on a no-cost, four-year lease for use in combat
training, with the Israeli Aircraft Industries assuming respon-
sibility for maintaining the jets during this period. In
December 1984, there were US—Israeli joint naval maneuvers.
In November 1985, there were joint military exercises and the
biggest armada yet of the US 6th fleet docked in Haifa. The
February 12, 1986 edition of Newsweek reported that US 6th
fleet jets had been practicing precision attacks in the Negev for
more than three months. By June 1986, ‘Israel’ and the US had
agreed on a major re-equipment of the Israeli navy and the
upgrading of Haifa port to facilitate its use by the 6th fleet.
According to the Financial Times, June 2, 1986, all this was
related to the «Israeli navy’s wish to expand the range of its
operations well out into the Mediterranean, and meet the
perceived danger from an increase in the power of the Syrian
navy...»
One of Defense Minister Rabin’s main tasks in 1986 was
campaigning for equivalency to a NATO power. «The acquisi-
tion by Israel of the de. facto status of a NATO member would
thus be a valuable insurance for the future,» wrote the
Jerusalem Post, July 31, 1986, adding that Rabin had argued
for this in his most recent visit to Washington. Speaking to a
United Jewish Appeal mission, including a number of US
Senators, «Kabin yesterday called for upgrading the military
relationship between Israel and the US to that of major, non-
NATO allies of the US, such as Japan, Australia and New
Zealand,» (Jerusalem Post, August 19, 1986).
This also entails closer Zionist military cooperation with
countries such as West Germany. According to the Jerusalem
Post, June 27, 1986, organized groups of West German
military personnel began visiting ‘Israel’ in 1985 on «study
trips» including tours of the occupied Golan Heights and West
Bank. The only other place visited by such groups is the USA.
COUNTERREVOLUTIONARY SECURITY
Parallel to providing more facilities for imperialist military
presence in the Middle East, the Zionist state worked to take
the lead in «anti-terrorist» cooperation to emphasize its
usefulness to the Western alliance. Avraham Tamir, responsi-
ble for the Israeli military’s strategic planning from 1970-84,
before becoming Peres’ national security adviser in 1984,
spoke before American audiences emphasizing the «fight
against terrorism, in which Israel has more experience than any
other country,» giving the Entebbe raid as an example
(Jerusalem Post, June 6, 1986). In May 1986, the Zionist state
hosted US Attorney-General Meese for eight days, so that the
two countries could institutionalize «anti-terrorist» coopera-
tion. In the same month, ‘Israel’ reached an agreement with
Italy on closer intelligence cooperation. The following month,
General Dan Shomron, who led the Entebbe action in 1976 and
is now Chief of Staff, visited France in his capacity as Deputy
Chief of Staff - the highest ranking Israeli officer to visit
France since 1967. There he toured military installations in-
cluding the paratrooper base used by the French Rapid In-
tervention Forces which has had missions in Africa and
Lebanon. Also in June 1986, Deputy Prime Minister Shamir
visited Paris and reached «broad agreement on anti-terrorist»
cooperation with Premier Chirac (Jewish Telegraph Agency,
June 24, 1986).
So-called anti-terrorist cooperation has economic advan-
tages as well: «Israel’s latest military export, according to the
(Israel) television report, is anti-terrorist expertise. Twenty
companies, usually headed by former senior officers from elite
Israeli army and secret police units, offer such services,»
advertising proficiency in assassinations, etc. (Los Angeles
Times, September 18, 1986.
US—ISRAELI ALLIANCE CONFIRMED
This year the prolongation of the Palestinian uprising poses
serious questions to the Zionist state’s ability to continue in its
role as US imperialism’s forward base and rapid deployment
force in the region. At present, the bulk of the Zionist army is
deployed in the 1967 occupied territories, repressing civilians.
‘Israel’ spends $4.4 billion, about 15% of the 1987 gross na-
tional product, to maintain the world’s 3rd or 4th mightiest
army (International Herald Tribune, February 23, 1987). Still,
it has been unable to stop the uprising of an unarmed people.
The brutal Israeli attempts to squash the uprising aim not only
to maintain the Zionist state’s internal security, but also at
reestablishing its image as the region’s ‘superman’. Though
Israeli repression has met with international outcry, the US so
far seems determined to preserve the status quo of its no.1 ally.
As the uprising raged on, «Congress and the Reagan Ad-
ministration were handing Israel a gift package of $2 billion in
debt relief benefits, equal bidding rights with NATO allies on
military contracts, and a US agreement to pay 80% of the
development costs of a new Israeli missile» (Israel and
Palestine, January 1988). As ‘Israel’ celebrated its 40 years or
illegal existence, Shamir and Reagan signed a new memoran-
dum of understanding, basically reaffirming their strategic
alliance in a time of crisis. @
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