Democratic Palestine : 31 (ص 18)
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- عنوان
- Democratic Palestine : 31 (ص 18)
- المحتوى
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Please read this declaration so that we don’t allow any
Palestinian leaders to interprete these decisions as they want.
We are ready to return to the text to judge and to fight political
battles, not as the PFLP alone, but with the DFLP, the
Palestinian Struggle Front and the Palestinian Liberation
Front, realizing the importance of the text and the possible
danger of tactics and the importance of monitoring them. In
this specific period of the Palestinian revolution, the an-
nouncement of the Palestinian state is a correct decision. Each
and every comrade in the PFLP, not only in Syria, but also in
Lebanon, the occupied territories and everywhere, is asked to
enter every Palestinian home until the masses are deeply con-
vinced of the correctness of announcing the independent
Palestinian state.
The slogan of freedom and independence was raised by our
people in Palestine before the uprising. Moreover, in July, as a
result of many months of the uprising, the Jordanian regime
announced the severing of ties between the Hashemite
Kingdom and the Palestinian land. Regardless of why the
decision was taken, this posed major questions: Who, then, is
responsible for this land? For whom is this land? The leader-
ship of the PLO had to give answers to these two questions.In
regards to the first question, our people raised the slogan of
freedom and independence. To be realistic and not exaggerate,
we all know that the uprising is in the West Bank and Gaza
Strip, the territories occupied since 1967. We cannot put upon
the Palestinian masses in the West Bank and Gaza Strip the
responsibility, in this period, of liberating all of the land. That
is the responsibility of all the Palestinian masses, in the Galilee,
the Triangle, the Negev, the Strip, the West Bank, Lebanon,
Syria, Jordan and abroad. It is the responsibility of all the
Arab masses. Our masses in the West Bank and Gaza Strip
want to end the occupation. They want the Israeli soldiers to
leave the land they occupied in 1967. Jordan said, «I have no
relation to this land.» What is the obligation of the PLO now?
It is to say that this land is ours, to announce the establishment
of the independent Palestinian state. Therefore, we support
this decision which is represented by the Declaration of In-
dependence.
Next, the PNC addressed the formation of a Palestinian
government... The decision to declare the state in principle
demands the establishment of a Palestinian government. Of
course, in the light of the reality of the Palestinian arena, the
interconnection between the Palestinian and Arab arenas, and
the influence of the Arab reactionary forces on them, the
PFLP asked many questions. We decided to tie our approval
of the formation of the government with the sum of the
answers to these questions: Is it true that this government will
be formed with moderate personalities, and what is meant by
this? What is the basis for the formation of this government?
What is its program? Who are the members of this govern-
ment? What is the realtionship between it and the PLO? Will
the PLO cease to exist, or be relegated to a secondary position
in the event of the formation of the government?
It is necessary to pose all these questions and then take a
decision. In fact, it was decided that the government would be
formed of nationalist personalities from Palestine and the
diaspora. It will be formed in a way that reflects national uni-
ty. It will be based on the Declaration of Independence, the
PLO’s national program of repatriation, self-determination
and the establishment of a Palestinian state, and on the PNC’s
resolutions. While removing obstacles to forming this
government, it has become natural to think seriously about its
18
formation in the suitable political circumstances, after being
sure of the detailed interpretation of all these decisions.
After that, the PNC addressed the question of support to the
uprising. By implementing the decisions taken by the Uprising
Committee, we can give the best and most correct support to
the uprising, materially, media-wise and politically. One ex-
ample of this is the decision to support the uprising by
escalating the armed struggle across the Arab borders.
THE POLITICAL STATEMENT — SUBJECT
OF CONTROVERSY
Lastly, we reached the political statement. This 1s where
there was disagreement. I ask of our Palestinian masses
everywhere to judge after one or two years, whether the PFLP
was correct of wrong in our point-of-view which can be sum-
med up in two main points. First, we rejected UN Security
Council resolutions 242 and 338, even though the term self-
determination was added, as the legal basis for an international
conference. Why should the PLO single out 242 and 338 in the
political statement from among all the UN resolutions concer-
ning Palestine? I cannot understand a leadership that concedes
the rights accorded to it by international legitimacy, such as
UN resolution 194 which is not a resolution of the PFLP or the
DFLP. Resolution 194 is that of the UN. There is also resolu-
tion 3236; it is true that it does not give us our natural and full
rights to the land of Palestine, but is does give us a certain level
of rights. UN resolution 3236 gives us the right to establish a
state, and 194 gives us the right to return. Why should we limit
our rights with 242 and 338? In Algeria, when some journalists
asked me if we represented an extremist line, I told them no; we
know the current balance of forces in the Arab arena very well,
and we know how this balance of forces can reflect itself on
Paiestinian tactics. We are ready to deal with tactics, but for
the majority of the PNC to accept 242 and 338, plus self-
determination, in the political statement means giving a con-
cession and weakening the Palestinian national struggle in the
international conference when we try to discuss all the UN
resolutions and the demands of the international community to
find a solution to the Palestinian cause and all its aspects on the
basis of all these resolutions.
Pay attention to this subject and judge us on this, because
hopes are one thing and reality is another. This is our tactic,but
the enemy camp also has a tactic; it aims at stripping us of all
our weapons. Until now, ‘Israel’ refuses the idea of an inter-
national conference; Shimon Peres and the Labor Party also
refuse the idea of a real international conference, viewing it
only as an umbrella for direct negotiations. The extreme right
wing and the religious parties have just won in the Israeli elec-
tions. They want us, before we enter the international con-
ference, to take off all our clothes, so that we enter the con-
ference naked. This is the enemy’s tactic. So we raised the
slogan against gratuitous concessions. Why do we give such
concessions, especially in this period of the uprising? I am
warning about continuing this policy, because the enemy will
not be satisfied with what was given. They will find excuses to
ask for more concessions, to prepare for the next PNC in ad-
vance.
If we fought the 242 battle with strength, our comrades in
the DFLP also fought with strength the battle against naming
‘Israel’ in the section on the international conference and
secure borders for all the countries of the area. Why? We all
know that a temporary settlement will not mean liberating all
of Palestine. Why are we giving away all our cards? A few days - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 31
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