Democratic Palestine : 31 (ص 19)

غرض

عنوان
Democratic Palestine : 31 (ص 19)
المحتوى
ago in Stockholm, the talk was not about 242 but about
recognition. No! Comrades, the PNC did not recognize the
Zionist entity. I call on you to read the PNC’s decisions well,
study, understand and ask about them. When George Habash
comes or Nayef Hawatmeh or anyone from the Fatah Central
Committee, ask and discuss with them, so that we can feel we
are a people alive, no one can deceive us and I am convinced
that the Palestinian people are alive.
THE QUESTION OF CONCESSIONS
Comrades, in the press conference that brother Yasir Arafat
held at the end of the PNC, he said the following: «We gave all
the possible concessions and the ball is now in the US court. If
the US administration does not respond to this line, I will call
for a PNC and tell them that I failed and that the moderate line
failed, and you must review the decisions you took on this
basis.» (I shouldn’t say concessions because Arafat doesn’t use
this term)... We in the PFLP accept this approach and the
judgment of the PNC. When we judge this concession policy,
we must review its results, and the major yardstick is the
response of the US administration and Europe. I am convinced
that if we had told our friends we accept all UN resolutions but
not 242, it would not have affected their support. I recall what
brother Yasir Arafat told me when he returned from China. He
explained to them the choices the Palestinians have. The
Chinese General Secretary’s response was, «Comrade Arafat,
we will support you in any decision you take.» Was the US
position influenced? Was the Zionist position influenced? Was
the European position influenced? The US response to these
concessions was banning Arafat from entering New York. The
European countries’ response was to write their ambassadors
in Geneva and tell them to attend the session on Palestine.
Pay attention and be cautious about giving concessions other
than 242 between this PNC and the next. The PFLP will put
the responsibility on those who deviate from the PNC decisions
and affect Palestinian national unity. We do not want them to
underestimate the deep responsibility that the PFLP feels dur-
ing the uprising. We will not see our cause stumble, and remain
silent. What is the Stockholm statement? Who said that the
PNC recognized ‘Israel’? This is not what occurred at all. In
the PLO we fought strongly against recognition... and not
alone; the DFLP, the Palestinian Struggle Front, the Palesti-
nian Liberatation Front and some of Fatah did so as well. The
PNC did not agree on recognition.
Recently, a European country sent a proposal stating their
preconditions to the PLO: explicit recognition of ‘Israel’ and
242, and renouncing terrorism officially and clearly. These are
the same as the US conditions. In return for what? In return
for opening a dialogue with the PLO. They are ridiculing us.
We aren’t being overly skeptical; 40 years of experience has
taught us to be careful. We see a clear distribution of roles: The
reactionaries came, representing the Camp David thinking,
and pressured the PLO until it recognized resolution 242. Then
comes the US, pressuring us until they open a dialogue with the
PLO and then they’ll say at the end, well, Shamir doesn’t
agree. We are very much afraid of this tactic, because there are
a lot of progressives who emphasize the importance of flex-
ibility and tactics... We have experience. We are confronted by
enemies who have a specific tactic, and want us to lose step by
step. First they want us to lose our national unity, then the
trust of the masses, and lastly, our relations and allies. It is true
that some countries were at ease with the political statement of
the PNC in regards to UN resolution 242, but others were not.
January 15th, West Bank - general strike and demonstrations
Not long ago, a major Nasserite group told me that they are no
longer able to activate the Egyptian masses in support of the
Palestinian cause when they see that the PLO gives these con-
cessions. Here we must take into account the Palestinian and
Arab mass movement when we take any step.
There is a point of view within the Palestinian arena that in
order to realize concretely the Palestinian state that we
announced,90% of our work should be diplomatic and political.
Undoubtedly, this work necessitates concessions. The PFLP
has a different opinion concerning the establishment of the
Palestinian state: On the Palestinian level, we raise the slogan
of escalating, continuing, consolidating and spreading the
uprising. This uprising should be deeply rooted in order to
make it impossible for Rabin and Shamir to end it. Their
dream of ending the uprising is not achievable, because it
would mean exterminating the entire Palestinian people.
History has shown this is an impossible task, even for the big-
gest colonial power in the world, and Vietnam is one example
of this. The consolidation of the uprising involves the United
National Leadership, the popular committees, the popular
resistance committees and the strike forces. It means the unity
of all the unions and national organizations, as occurred within
the women’s work. A while ago, the women’s committees
formed a coordination council. Unfortunately, in the occupied
territories, there are four labor unions, four student unions,
four unions for voluntary work committees and four women’s
unions. What we mean by consolidating the uprising is a
unified, steadfast, organized base that secures its continuation.
All unions should immediately begin with the formation of
coordination committees as the first step towards unification.
The UNL should review the past year’s experience. We, in the
PFLP, are committed to protecting the uprising and its victory.
We should invite HAMAS, whether it accepts or not, to
work within the framework of the UNL; if this is not possible,
then at least there should be a certain degree of cooperation
guaranteeing agreement on the daily program of struggle that
the UNL proposes to the masses. It is also necessary to con-
tinue to invite the organizations that are not in the framework >
19
هو جزء من
Democratic Palestine : 31
تاريخ
ديسمبر ١٩٨٨
المنشئ
الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين

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