Democratic Palestine : 31 (ص 37)
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- Democratic Palestine : 31 (ص 37)
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not only in the real capacities of the enemy but also in its latent
potentials. Israeli aggression aims not only at undermining a
real threat, but also any potential one.
According to this concept of the enemy, the concept of
force - its policies and components - is defined in such a way
that military force is the sum of all economic, human, social
and scientific capacities. Guided by this strategy, ‘Israel’ con-
cluded a memorandum of strategic understanding with US
imperialism, which has been further developed so that the
Zionist entity has become equal to the NATO allies in the im-
perialist network. Overlooking the details of this memo and its
annexes which make ‘Israel’ a spearhead in the offensive
against all the forces of peace, progress and socialism in the
world, we can clearly see that the essence of the relationship
between Zionism and imperialism can be summed up as
follows: ‘Israel’ is at the service of the imperialist plan global-
ly, while world imperialism is ready to serve the regional ob-
jectives of the Zionist project. This relationship has been
translated into reality on many ugly occasions. ‘Israel’ has
rendered many a service to world imperialism, especially in
dirty work which the USA, for many reasons, could not
directly undertake; ‘Israel’ acted as a surrogate for the boss of
the imperialist camp. On the other hand, throughout the years
of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Washington has placed itself at the
disposal of ‘Israel’ and its «grand» regional schemes, with all
the military capacities of the imperialist camp.
In this relationship, ‘Israel’ has risen from being a hireling
instrument to being a partner in the imperialist camp’s global
system of interests. In view of the supreme Israeli strategy and
the nature of the relationship between Zionism and im-
perialism, it is natural to state that the interconnection has
become equally strong and organic between the success of the
Palestinian people in retrieving their ultimate rights from the
claws of the Zionist state, and the success of the forces of
peace, progress, liberation and socialism in their battle against
the imperialist center. The battle against these two reactionary
centers becomes one; no matter how different the fields and the
weapons, the protagonists remain the same.
Of course gradualism is not the only way we can win world
public opinion to our side. The current struggle over the con-
vention of a peace conference for the Middle East is also a bat-
tle, an intense one, between the revolutionary and the counter-
revolutionary camps on the regional and international levels.
The international conference we are for is an arena for the
struggle of wills, and a means to build the broadest world
public opinion against the arrogant stubborness of Zionism. It
has become clear that only ‘Israel’ and the US are refusing a
fully empowered international conference under UN sponsor-
ship, with the participation of the five permanent members of
the Security Council, as well as the equal participation of the
PLO. Palestinian support to the convention of the conference
greatly contributed to transfering the ball into the Israeli court.
International pressure has started to shift from being exerted
on the Palestinian-Arab side, to being exerted on ‘Israel’.
A rigid attitude towards the international conference could
have isolated and suffocated the Palestinian national efforts.
How can we imagine the status of the Palestinian struggle on
the international level without the support of the Soviet Union
and the other socialist and friendly countries? How can we
imagine that the Palestinian position be in sharp contradiction
to the positions of the international allies of our revolution?
Serious, comprehensive confrontation of the imperialist-
Zionist-reactionary alliance is impossible without Palestinian,
Arab and international agreement. Such agreement has to be
based on a well-defined political program which is within the
limits of historical possibility. As experience has shown, the
current program of repatriation, self-determination and the
establishment of an independent state is the historically possi-
ble program in the foreseeable future; and an international
conference is the suitable mechanism for implementing this
program.
Thus we can face the Israeli dimension with the Palestinian
dimension, the Zionist dimension with an Arab nationalist
dimension, the imperialist dimension with an internationalist
dimension-all within the framework of comprehensive, persis-
tent confrontation until complete freedom and independence
are won.
As for the shift from the interim to the strategic slogans, this
depends on our ability to make this shift within the realm of
the historically possible, not only in the realm of propaganda
and proclamations. The proper beginning is to convince our
allies that the enemy we are facing is not only a threat to the
Palestinians and Arabs, but also a threat to world peace and
stability - to all the forces of peace, progress and socialism.
‘Israel’ and Zionism are playing an active counterrevolu-
tionary role in Africa, Asia and Latin America. They are get-
ting fully involved in the schemes of Washington and the West
against the socialist countries. They are trying to revive the so-
called Jewish question in these countries and to put the im-
migration of Jews on their agendas, and carrying out broad
propaganda and agitation campaigns against socialism. In this
way, ‘Israel’ provides us with the objective basis for success in
our task. It remains for us to make good use of the objective
basis through a sound policy which does not drop strategy
from the current and interim tactical considerations, nor
overlook the ultimate goals of the Palestinian people.
The third lesson concerns the dialectics between the
struggle inside Palestine and the revolution outside
(the interior and exterior).
This question emerged especially after the 1967 war when all
Palestine and about half of all the Palestinian people fell under
occupation. Before 1967, a Palestinian center in exile had not
clearly materialized. Palestinian struggle was just beginning.
The militant role of the Palestinians in the 1948 occupied ter-
ritories was not as clear as it is now. There is a wide controver-
sy over the nature of the relationship between the interior and
the exterior factors... Many a time the one overwhelmed the
other, especially the latter at the expense of the former...
The PFLP has been in the forefront of the tendency which
acknowledged that there were two essential bases of the
Palestinian revolution, which are mutually interdependent.
1. The first base is inside occupied Palestine. There, half of
our people are waging a fierce daily struggle against attempts
at political liquidation and cancelling their national identity,
against Judaization and settlement-building, plans for joint
Israeli-Jordanian administration, the conspiracy to appoint
37 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 31
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