Democratic Palestine : 31 (ص 39)
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- عنوان
- Democratic Palestine : 31 (ص 39)
- المحتوى
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and notice the distinct role that one or another group can play
in the long process of our people’s militant struggle.
When talking about the interior, we immediately think of the
West Bank and Gaza Strip which were occupied in 1967. We
usually overlook the territories which were occupied in 1948.
This approach is wrong. Our people and homeland that have
been subject to occupation since 1948 are an integral part of
the Palestinian people and land. We must do our best to in-
crease their activity and contribution to the heroic struggle of
our people against their enemies. We should raise the level of
their role from solidarity and support to full actual participa-
tion... We must carry the spark of the uprising to the Galilee,
Triangle and Negev and to every town and village in occupied
Palestine... the whole of Palestine. Perhaps this is what the
Zionist enemy is most concerned about. The Zionist leadership
expresses fears about changing conditions in these areas, and
the spread of the spark of uprising over the so-called green line
to burn everything, including their attempts to tame our peo-
ple. This weapon, i.e., our masses in the areas occupied in
1948, has not yet been used fully. We have to think seriously of
how to make use of it in the best way.
Concerning the exterior, although all the Palestinian com-
munities in different places, especially in Lebanon, have
significance, the Palestinian community in Jordan is excep-
tionally important. We have to pay attention to this group
which is an extremely vital part of our people for a number of
reasons, including the following: (1) the size of this community
which constitutes the majority of the population in Jordan;
(2) the special relations between the Palestinian and Jordanian
people who are united by a common destiny in a single national
movement; (3) the particular role played by the Jordanian
regime in facilitating the imperialist-Zionist-reactionary
schemes which aim at the liquidation of our people’s cause
under different guises; and (4) the geographical consideration
due to the permanent attachment of the two banks of the Jor-
dan River, and the longest border with the Israeli enemy...
For these reasons, the PFLP’s 4th National Congress in 1981
not only dealt with the two bases of the revolution, but
allocated a lot of time to the particularity and essentiality of
the Jordanian arena.
The fourth lesson is related to armed struggle and
other forms of struggle.
One of the most prominent mistakes/lessons which previous
experience has clearly shown is the necessity of achieving a
creative combination of the different forms of struggle without
exaggerating one at the expense of others. For years, especially
immediately after the beginning of the revolution, armed
struggle was considered the only form of struggle; this was also
confirmed in the official documents of the PLO. However,
with the development of the revolution, our view on this ques-
tion matured and crystallized, especially as the revolution suc-
cessfully embarked on political,informational, diplomatic and
mass struggle, etc. This by no means decreases the importance
of the armed struggle or relegates it to a secondary level. Arm-
ed struggle will continue to be the principal form of struggle, as
the lever which has brought about all the important political
gains of our people. It is the lever which carried our cause,
revolution and the PLO to the positions they are now occupy-
ing on the Palestinian, Arab and international levels.
It must be stressed, however, that armed struggle by itself,
divorced from political, diplomatic, informational and mass
action, remains incapable of materializing the objectives and
achievements that our people look forward to and for which
they make heavy sacrifices. Our battle against the Zionist
enemy is a comprehensive one in all senses. The enemy is
fighting us with arms, politics, diplomacy, finances, economics
and propaganda; it wages a war of history, heritage, culture,
etc. Hence, we must confront the enemy in all these spheres.
We must know how to conduct our political and diplomatic
battles. We must know how to isolate the enemy international-
ly by exposing its reality. We have to mobilize all our forces to
deprive it of its advantages in the Western mass media by win-
ning over wide sectors of world public opinion through suc-
cessful use of information in the battle. We have to wage a
battle on the economic front, targeting the enemy’s interests
and thus depriving it of the chance to benefit from them in
building up its socioeconomic structure. We have to expose its
attempts to encroach on our history, culture and heritage.
We have, first of all, to assign a definite role in this battle to
each Palestinian in the occupied territories, in the adjacent
Arab countries and in exile abroad.... We have to convert our
militant action into a complete symphony where each and
every one of our people has his clearly defined role. In addi-
tion, we in the revolution bear the responsibility of mobilizing
all friendly and allied forces in both the Arab and international
arenas, and of striking ‘Israel’ and its links with world Zionism
and imperialism. The successful experiences of the people in
Asia, Africa and Latin America have taught us the importance
of armed struggle in fighting the enemy. Yet the same ex-
periences have also taught us the importance of using the
various forms of struggle without underestimating any of
them.
While facing an enemy which is trying to negate our very ex-
istence, erase our identity and culture, falsify our history and
divert the attention of the world from our legitimate rights,
how necessary it is for us to learn the ways of waging the
struggle on all fronts with all weapons - the gun, the book, the
picture, the poem, folklore, information, diplomacy, etc. It is
also essential to strongly adhere to armed struggle as the prin-
cipal method, because we are facing a fascist, racist enemy
which is armed to the teeth.
The fifth lesson is about avoiding confrontation
between the strategy of people’s war and other
strategies.
One of the mistakes/lessons which must be considered while
dealing with the fortieth anniversary of the establishment of
the Zionist entity, is not to put the strategy of the protracted
people’s war in opposition to the strategy of classical warfare.
For several years, ideas have prevailed in our ranks that the
strategy of the protracted people’s war is the sole, adequate
strategy for confronting the Zionist-imperialist enemy. The
strategy of the regular classical warfare was considered useless
and unsuitable for confronting the enemy camp. The
emergence of such views, which still have some influence in the
Palestinian ranks, is due to several reasons including the
following:
- There are quite a number of successful experiences which
showed that a small people could score a decisive victory and
defeat reactionary-imperialist enemies which were much
superior in arms, technology, resources, etc.
- Some Arab regimes have capitulated and proved incapable
of carrying out the required task in the struggle for the
restoration of Palestinian and Arab rights.
- Such regimes have also withdrawn from waging any»
39 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 31
- تاريخ
- ديسمبر ١٩٨٨
- المنشئ
- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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