Democratic Palestine : 32 (ص 6)
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- Democratic Palestine : 32 (ص 6)
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the daily battles against the occupation. We were able to rid
ourselves of many of the social diseases that had prevailed in
our society for over two decades of occupation and the two
preceding decades of subjugation. The features of the revolu-
tionary situation are reflected in every home in occupied
Palestine.
We so not speak of this revolutionary situation from a
romantic point-of-view or motivated by an unrealistic air of
optimism. Rather, we speak on the basis of a scientific reading
of the situation in the occupied territories, and the results of
our people’s experience gained from many lessons.
THE REVOLUTIONARY SITUATION
The most important lesson relates to the revolutionary situa-
tion which begins the moment the ruling class is unable to con-
tinue governing with its old methods, while at the same time
the masses of the people refuse to submit to the conditions of
the ruling class. At this point, the two opposing poles enter into
a conflict that can only be resolved in the interest of one or the
other, either partially or totally. In our special case, it is as
clear as daylight that the occupation has declared the failure of
its old means to control the uprising. Thus, it began to exert
what can be called irrational violence, giving free rein to the
iron fist, collective punishment, breaking bones, demolishing
houses, killing, arrest and detention, trying to maintain control
of the land and people.
Without a shadow of doubt, our people have shown that
their nationalist will and yearning for freedom and in-
dependence are stronger than all these fascist measures. It is
obvious that our people can no longer accept the humiliating
conditions of occupation; nor will they return to accepting
them, whatever the sacrifices. Consequently, December 9,1987
opened a new chapter in the national democratic liberation
struggle. This will prevail until the conflict is resolved to the
interest of one of the two sides, partially or completely. By
partially, we do not mean some immediate or limited tactical
gains; rather we mean something related to the interim goals of
one side or the other. For the Palestinians, these can be summ-
ed up as repatriation, self-determination and the establishment
of an independent state. For the Israelis, these can be summed
up as completing the absorption of the results of the 1967 war
(i.e., the territories occupied in 1967).
In fact, we are very confident that the results of this new
chapter in the Palestinian-Zionist and Arab-Zionist struggle
will be resolved in favor of our people, revolution and upris-
ing. Our confidence is based on the following set of considera-
tions.
1, The gains made by the uprising in its first year, the most
important of which are the Declaration of Independence, in-
ternational recognition of the Palestinian state, and the priori-
ty given to the Palestinian issue in the international arena,
which was recently crowned by the US being forced to open a
dialogue with the PLO. These victories stem from the gains
made beginning with Security Council resolutions 605, 607,
608; the General Assembly resolutions of December 15, 1988;
the Algiers Summit decisions and King Hussein’s historical
decision to sever the legal and administrative ties with the oc-
4
cupied West Bank; in addition to scores of international and
local resolutions, and the change in world public opinion, in-
cluding Western Europe and the US, and among a large
number of Jews in Israel and other countries; as well as Israel’s
growing isolation in the international arena.
2. As a result of their own experience, the Palestinian people
began to face the fact that they have only one option, i.e., to
continue the uprising. This is being understood on the regional
and international levels. Now the Palestinian cause, and not
only the Arab-Zionist conflict, has become the main concern.
For the first time in forty years, a comprehensive settlement
for the Palestinian question is being seriously discussed. We
realize that there are many obstacles to this settlement, and
that the distance between declaring the state and actually for-
ming the state is long, and paved with martyrs, sacrifices and
sufferings. Still, this is the first time it is being seriously
discussed.
3. The isolation of Israel and the US, due to their intran-
sigent policies: The US has been put in an unenviable situation.
Detente is steadily advancing, pushed forward by international
pressure. In view of its new political thinking, the Soviet Union
is playing a major role in extending detente. In the long run,
the Middle East cannot be an exception to these developments.
In spite of our deep conviction that there are many obstacles
due to the character of the Zionist leadership, the US will find
itself obliged to accept the international consensus favoring
detente which, in the Middle East, means an international con-
ference under UN auspices. This was clear in the General
Assembly resolution calling for the convening of this con-
ference, which was passed by a majority of 138, including
Western Europe and Japan, and opposed only by Washington
and Tel Aviv. In fact, such a situation doesn’t even serve US
policy and interests, and Washington will find itself obliged to
retreat in the face of international pressure, as when it decided
to open a dialogue with the PLO.
As for Israel, there is no doubt that its position will be more
difficult. Although it continues its intransigence and ignores
international public opinion, its leaders can no longer hide the
fact that they are facing a state of isolation. They think that
this will soon disappear. However, Israel is not like South
Africa; it cannot withstand such a situation without jeopardiz-
ing the future of its project in the area. The uprising has posed
major questions related to the future of this project and the
Zionist leaders’ ability to realize it. It will not be impossible to
force the enemy to give up the results of the 1967 invasion, in
order to maintain the results of the 1948 invasion (the
establishment of its state). However, this will not happen until
the costs of the occupation become greater than its benefits.
This is where the role of the Palestinian and Arab national
struggle comes in, as does the question of Israel’s international
reputation and relations, especially with the West and Jewish
communities around the world; these figure prominently in
Israel’s political considerations because they mean economic
support, immigration and political protection, etc.
Finally, we can say that the uprising is the major reason for
these gains made by our national struggle. The uprising is the
basic factor on which we can rely in saying that the results of
this round of the conflict will be resolved in favor of our people
Democratic Palestine, March 1989 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 32
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