Democratic Palestine : 32 (ص 23)
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- Democratic Palestine : 32 (ص 23)
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A Coalition Government,
A Likud Program
The failure of the I[sraeli policy of
attempting to end the intifada through
brutal military force is becoming more
apparent with each passing day. The
gains of the intifada and its repercus-
sions locally and on the international
level are taking their toll on the Israeli
government. The failure of the
«military solution» is being uttered in-
creasingly by government officials
from both the Likud and Labor. In the
words of the army’s Chief of Staff,
Dan Shomron, «There is no such thing
as eradicating the intifada because in its
essence it expresses the struggle of na-
tionalism.»!
Israelis from a broad political spec-
trum have also voiced their am-
bivalence vis-a-vis a military solution,
including Defense Minister Rabin who
was quoted as saying in an inner cabinet
meeting, «It is not possible to put an
end to the intifada militarily.»2 The
head of the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs
and Security Committee, Eliahu Ben
Elissar admitted: «The Palestinians are
winning and we are losing. »3
This phenomenon, which is an off-
shoot of the intifada and which
permeates the Israeli army and
government circles, has not yet
manifested in a practical and viable
political program for reaching a solu-
tion.
In addition to the intifada and as.a
result of it, there has been mounting
pressure in Israel and internationally
for the coalition government to work
towards a negotiated settlement. Two
separate polls taken this year by the
Israeli Institute of Applied Social
Research and Dafah indicate that more
than half of the Israelis are in favor of
negotiations with the PLO. According
to the Institute of Applied Social
Research, 65% of Israelis are in favor
of exchanging territory (occupied) for
peace.4
On the international level, the Euro-
pean Economic Community has praised
the PLO peace initiative and called on
Israel to reciprocate. The US had
decided to open a dialogue with the
PLO. The Palestinian state was
Democratic Palestine, March 1989
declared at the 19th PNC (Palestine
National Council) in Algiers and has
gained the recognition of 87 countries
world-wide, and at the UN numerous
resolutions have been passed in the
Security Council and in the General
Assembly condemning Israeli
atrocities, in addition to the decision to
allow the state of Palestine to speak, as
any other nation, within the Security
Council.
The reaction of the Israeli govern-
ment has been to step up repression -
more killings, expulsions, home
demolitions, land confiscations, im-
prisonment, collective punishment,
etc., meanwhile declaring sham
«political initiatives.»
One month before the formation of
the government, Shamir announced his
«new ideas» for a solution. Far from an
initiative or a plan, these ideas are in
essence within the framework of the
Camp David agreements which were
signed between Israel and Egypt a
decade ago. Shamir presented three
«new ideas.» The first calls for holding
municipal elections without the par-
ticipation of the PLO, but PLO sym-
pathizers would be allowed to run for
office. The second idea is the
establishment of limited «self-rule»
(Bantustans) whereby elections for this
«self-government» would take place at
a later date. The third idea is to conduct
direct negotiations with the Arab
governments on the basis of the Camp
David agreements and the participation
of Jordan. The UN, the US and the
Soviet Union would be allowed to at-
tend but not to participate in any way.
Shamir is trying to abort the intifada
first and foremost, and to create an
alternative Palestinian leadership in-
stead of the PLO. This Palestinian
«leadership» would then be in charge of
«self-rule,» i.e., taking care of
municipal and administrative duties,
while the Israeli army would remain to
oversee security matters.
Meanwhile, Rabin who has been us-
ing the big stick (brute force and
beatings) to quell the intifada has final-
ly offered the Palestinians the carrot.
To his dismay, however, it did not stop
the intifada or slow it down; nor did it
win support or encouragement from the
Palestinians, or anyone else. Before
declaring his initiative, Rabin delegated
his generals to meet with Palestinians in
an effort to illicit their support. After-
wards, Rabin called for elections (ex-
cluding the PLO) as a prelude to direct
negotiations with the alternative
«leadership.» In return Rabin is asking
for an end to the intifada. Rabin’s
«generosity» extends to such limits as
allowing this alternative «leadership»
to consult with the PLO. However, ac-
cording to Rabin, only the Palestinians
in the occupied territories are to be in-
cluded in his initiative.
In an effort to instill life in this
doomed initiative, Rabin later extended
his offer to any Palestinian in the West
Bank to be part of this scheme,
regardless of their political views.
Rabin’s attempts at bypassing the PLO
and dividing the Palestinian people
have failed miserably. As far as he is
concerned, negotiating with the PLO
would lead to an eventual Israeli
withdrawal from the occupied ter-
ritories and the establishment of a
Palestinian state and that, Rabin ex-
plains, is a «national catastrophe which
can only be accepted by someone who Is
crazy.» Rabin will have a hard time
trying to find a Palestinian crazy
enough to accept his plan. Meanwhile,
Peres declared his own plan which in-
cludes a confederation between Jordan,
Israel and the occupied territories.
The United National Leadership of
the Intifada has warned against these
proposed elections in its call number
33, and considered them a conspiracy
like «self-rule» and the Shultz plan
which called for negotiations between
Israel and a Jordanian-Palestinian
delegation. The UNL categorically
refused the idea of holding elections
under occupation.
The program of the Israeli govern-
ment is clearly against the attainment of
peace, despite the new political realities
born out of the intifada, the declaration
of the Palestinian state, the 19th PNC >
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