Democratic Palestine : 33 (ص 14)
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- Democratic Palestine : 33 (ص 14)
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tions, by which Shamir means free
from «the atmosphere of PLO
violence, terror and intimidation,» with
the aim of creating a delegation of
Palestinians who would negotiate with
the Israeli government an «interim
period of self-governing administration
to be followed by negotiations for a
permanent settlement.»
Further details of the plan incluae
that residents of the West Bank and
Gaza Strip would elect 10 represen-
tatives who would participate in talks
with Israel in order to negotiate a five
year period of limited self-
‘administration. These 10 would be
responsible for the administration of
the territories. Subsequently, after
three years have passed, they would
negotiate a final settlement on the
future status of the occupied territories.
Shamir’s plan was formally approv-
ed by the Israeli cabinet on May 14th in
a 20-6 vote. Science Minister Ezer
Weizman and another Labor cabinet
member voted against the proposal
because it avoids negotiating with the
PLO, whereas Sharon, two others from
Likud and one member of the National
Religious party voted against for fear
that this proposal would lead to a
Palestinian state.
One of the reasons why the plan was
approved by a large majority is because
controversial topics were skirted. Some
of these issues include: what the final
settlement will consist of; if the uprising
must stop before elections are held; if
the residents of East Jerusalem will be
able to vote; and lastly, if there will be
some type of international supervision.
Of course Shamir has clearly said no to
all of the above. In regards to the final
settlement, an independent Palestinian
state is ruled out in favor of continuing
Camp David with self-administration,
perhaps a confederation with Jordan or
Israel. In regards to aborting the upris-
ing, it is obvious that Shamir continues
to demand this. He was quoted by
Israeli radio as saying that he told the
cabinet that the plan would enable the
government to take a harder line in
suppressing the uprising. The residents
of East Jerusalem will most likely not
be able to vote since they are residents
of the «capital of Israel,» and lastly, as
Shamir says, there’s no need for inter-
national supervision since Israel is
well-known for its democracy and fair
election practices!
Shamir also added while in the US
that he would not give up one inch of
land, nor talk to the PLO or accept a
Palestinian state. Shamir still demands
direct talks with Jordan, Egypt and
Palestinians from the occupied ter-
ritories. He also rejected any PLO par-
ticipation in supervising the elections
and said that only Palestinians from the
occupied territories could be involved
in such supervision.
Oy cuurse there are many reasons for
the introduction of such a plan. Chief
among them is the expressed purpose to
end the intifada and to create an alter-
native leadership to the PLO, in essence
to split the Palestinians and to maintain
control over the occupied territories.
The plan aims to put the diplomatic ball
in the PLO’s court, giving Israel a
democratic facade to change its tar-
nished image in the international arena,
while at the same time trying to further
the Camp David accords.
It is no wonder that the PLO and the
Palestinian people reject this proposal
because there is nothing whatsoever in
it that is in their interest. This is yet
another imperialist-Zionist scheme to
try to abort the intifada and return to
the status quo which is needed if their
interests in the area are to be protected.
Obviously, they see the winds of change
blowing against them. One thing the
Israeli government should keep in mind
is that when the leadership of the in-
tifada raised the slogan of freedom and
independence, it was because they mean
to achieve just that. @
1 Al Fajr, April 17, 1989
2 Middle East Report, May-June 1988
3 Israel and Palestine, September 1988
4 Al Fajr, April 17, 1989
5 Middle East, February 1989
6 Destour, Arabic, February 10, 1989
7 Voice of Israel, Arabic, May 8, 1989
14
SMeehe thd
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Democratic Palestine, June 89
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