Democratic Palestine : 35 (ص 9)
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- Democratic Palestine : 35 (ص 9)
- المحتوى
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common nationalist framework. Until now, the United Na-
tional Leadership is calling on Hamas to work together, so that
all efforts are united in accordance with a planned program.
This is necessary for mounting the most effective confronta-
tion of the enemy. All should work on the basis that the in-
tifada is our main concern, in order to achieve our rights.
Aside from the Israeli repression, what are the
obstacles to the intifada?
The silence of Arab officialdom constitutes a major obstacle
for the masses of the intifada. Morale support from the Arab
masses has also been inadequate, though we realize the
obstacles which many regimes impose on the masses to fetter
such support.
Moreover, the masses of the intifada are against overly hasty
political moves. Our masses realize that the US administration
is not truly concerned about our rights. The US could have
showed its credibility by admitting the inadequacy of the
Shamir plan, but it didn’t. Therefore, betting on the US
weakens our position and has negative effects on our masses’
steadfastness. We have to realize that the relation between
Israel and the US is one of partnership and common interests.
The PLO must have a clearer and firmer position. The PLO
must commit itself to the PNC’s resolutions and adhere to our
rights for repatriation, self-determination and the independent
state. Our masses in the occupied territories insist on not giving
any concessions.
What are the difficulties delaying total civil
disobedience?
The intifada has to move towards this qualitative step of
total disobedience; it is doing so gradually. However, gradual
civil disobedience is not chiefly a question of how many strike
days are observed. Basically, it means the degree to which the
intifada has been able to establish national authority, boycot-
ting the civil administration and fulfilling the subjective and
objective conditions for total disobedience.
Civil disobedience basically means total rejection of the oc-
cupation and civil administration. The conditions for achieving
this include organizing the provision of the needed financial
support to our masses in the occupied territories, and organiz-
ing more and more popular committees and strengthening their
activities. Achieving total civil disobedience is a long and hard
process of struggle.
Would you speak about your experience of deten-
tion in Israeli jails?
In 1968, after the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza
Strip, I was arrested for resisting the occupation and im-
prisoned for ten years. I was deprived of the most basic human
rights. The Palestinian prisoners fought in the prison with all
the means available to us - hunger strikes, refusing the family
visits decided by the prison authorities as a protest, and refus-
ing to go outside for our break as a protest. We were fighting
for our human rights and for improving the conditions of
Democratic Palestine, October 1989
detention. In the prison we were prohibited to read books and
deprived of medical care. Our living conditions were very hard.
We had to fight. Struggle means to be organized, and we ac-
tually were very well organized. As a result of our struggle and
sacrifices, including prisoners being martyred, we did make
gains in terms of improvement of our daily life conditions.
The prison authorities constantly tried to retract our gains, but
our organized movement was capable of confronting their at-
tempt via hunger strikes and other forms of struggle.
Prior to the intifada, it was mainly the members of the
Palestinian organizations, and especially their active militants,
who were arrested. Nowdays, in the time of the intifada, all the
masses, whether members of an organization or not, are being
detained. New interrogation and detention centers have been
established. The detainees are being subjected to brutal
repression in Dhahiriya, Fara, Ansar II and Ansar III deten-
tion centers. They are subjected to constant beatings, over-
crowding and racist and fascist violations.
It may case, because of resisting the occupation, I was de-
tained under very hard conditions and without charges being
specified. I was in Tulkarm prison when I was notified of the
deportation order against me. Expulsion is a political decision
taken by the occupation authorities aimed to abort the upris-
ing, like their other repressive measures. One is not expelled on
the basis of specific charges; the decision is based on the fact
that one is a militant resisting occupation which is considered
to threaten Israeli security.
After the deportation order is issued, one has in theory the
right to appeal to the Supreme Court which is a civil court. I
did not appeal because I do not believe that the military appeal
committee, the Supreme Court or any other Zionist legal body
is truly democratic or just.
Can you tell about your expulsion?
Any militant about to be expelled should have the right to
see his family, but I wasn’t given this chance. On January Ist,
the prison officers gave the prisoners an outdoor break, except
for us (the ones to be expelled). We were informed that we
would be expelled and told to get ready. We are all tense, con-
fused and emotional. We refused to leave our cells unless we
were given the chance to say farewell to our friends and com-
rades. There were moments of grief as we were leaving, with all
the prisoners saying: «... we may die, but we will uproot death
from our homeland.»
Many soldiers accompanied us to the prison administration
building where our pictures were taken. We were handcuffed
and blindfolded, thrown into a military vehicle and driven to a
military camp. In the same humiliating manner, we were
thrown into a helicopter that took us to South Lebanon; we
were unable to tell whether it was an area under the control of
the Lahd forces or the Israeli army. We refused to take the
money they offered us. The soldiers threw us on top of each
other on the floor of a truck, then threw buckets of water on us
and shouted insults. When we approached Marjeyoun, we were
pushed into cars that were waiting for us, and threatened not
even to look back. There were many journalists waiting in
Marjeyoun. After being interviewed, we asked to be taken to
the closest PFLP post where we were warmly received. And
here we are! - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 35
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- الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين
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