Democratic Palestine : 35 (ص 29)
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- Democratic Palestine : 35 (ص 29)
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vocates reviving the Arab nationalist project with modifica-
tions to suit current conditions.
The ruling class, that advocates the first trend, is obviously
no longer capable of achieving the nationalist tasks, such as
Arab unity or liberating Palestine, for these demand an
outright confrontation with imperialism and Zionism. This
class is also incapable of achieving real socio-economic pro-
gress to the interests of the masses, for that would necessitate a
confrontation with international capitalism.
The present official Arab leadership is impotent,
economically and politically. On the economic level, the ruling
class in most countries has led the Arab world into more in-
tegration in the international capitalist economy instead of,
and at the expense of, achieving Arab economic integration. A
distorted capitalism of a parasitic nature was formed, based on
oil that will be depleted one day, unlike the land that is inex-
haustible. The economy was further distorted by the focus of
the capitalist class on non-productive sectors.
On the political level, the same ruling class guided most of
the Arab countries into the lap of the capitalist countries,
headed by the US, because its interests were directly linked
with international capitalism. This class was unable to recon-
cile the aspirations for national independence and sovereignty
on one hand and «international cooperation» on the other.
Rather, it justified subordination in the name of «coopera-
tion» between capitalist and underdeveloped countries. While
imperialism is threatening Arab national security, the masses
are being deluded that alliance with the US consolidates na-
tional security.
The present Arab leadership is importent and any future
leadership with the same orientation will repeat the same ex-
perience. Whether the goals is Arab unity or social progress,
real change requires the development of a new leadership
representing classes that have interest in such change. What is
needed is to revolutionize the Arab nationalist movement in
terms of ideology, programs and methods of struggle. This
necessitates that the movement resolve its crisis and rise to lead
the Arab national democratic revolution towards socialism.
THE ARAB ORDER AND THE PALESTINIAN
QUESTION
The Palestinian popular uprising has further exposed the
crisis of the ruling bourgeois. By setting a starkly contrasting
example, the intifada confirmed the deterioration of the Arab
order as a whole. Some Arab regimes have beseiged the upris-
ing through suspicious political schemes, such as Mubarak’s
initiative. They have pressured the PLO accept the US condi-
tions for a political settlement. Most regimes have refrained
from giving financial support to the uprising, despite their own
decision; and many have repressed the mass movements in
support of the uprising.
For two decades, the Arab bourgeois have worked diligently
to force the Palestinian bourgeoisie to capitulate and to
transform the PLO into an element of the existing Arab order.
These attempts will continue as long as the Palestinian revolu-
tion, led by the PLO, stands as an exception to the general
character of the Arab regimes. At this stage, the Palestinian
bourgeoisie is striving for a Palestinian state. Therefore, it is to
its interests to be in a position of confrontation vis-a-vis im-
Democratic Palestine, October 1989
perialism and Zionism, and consequently the Arab reactionary
regimes.
The uprising shock-74 the Arab regimes that had expressed
their readiness to capitulate to the imperialist and Zionist plans
in the Amman Summit. Surprised and perplexed, these regimes:
were reduced to spectators, waiting for a quick end to the
uprising in order to go on with their maneuvers, planned in the
summit, to achieve a regional settlement at the expense of the
Palestinian cause.
Throughout the first six weeks of the uprising, the structures
of joint Arab action were out of function. The Arab League
held its first emergency meeting for the foreign ministers, bas-
ed on a Libyan initiative, in Tunis on January 23-24, 1988.
Then it took a number of decisions: «to mobilize the Arab
mass forces to rally around the heroic Palestinian uprising and
to provide all forms of support to the struggle of the Palesti-
nian people....» In the same period, the 18th congress of the
Arab Parlimentary Federation was held in Tunis, and called
for «allowing the Arab masses to participate in providing
practical support for the Palestinian people in the occupied
territories...»
True to form, however, most Arab regimes behaved in a
totally opposite manner. Demonstrations and other forms of
mass support to the uprising were brutally oppressed in more
than one Arab country (Jordan, Morocco, Egypt). Except for
the few visits of the Arab ministerial committee to the five
countries with permanent seats in the UN Security Council, the
Arab resolutions have never seen the light of day.
The first Arab summit for the uprising (Algeria, June 1988)
was held three months after the Algerian initiative to call it,
and after the uprising had been going on for six months, not to
mention the attempts of some Arab regimes to delay the sum-
mit, hoping that the uprising would end before then.
In conclusion, the Arab regimes that paid lip service to the
uprising, while in reality imposing a siege around it, have done
so for three main reasons: First, they are unwilling to allow the
uprising to continue and escalate, for this means an end to their
hegemony over the Palestinian cause. Second, and equally
important, they fear the uprising’s repercussions and influence
on the Arab masses. Third, the reactionary regimes are tied to
US policies for maintaining the status quo in the region, and
therefore submit to the US administration’s wish to avoid the
emergence of a Palestinian state.
Resources (Arabic)
- Dr. George Habash, «The Existing Arab Order and the
Palestinian Question,» Al Hadaf no. 943, January 22, 1989.
- Dr. Abdul Karim Dadiq, «Recirculating Arab Assets In-
vested Abroad... Reality and Potentials,» Al Qabas, June 10,
1989.
- Dr. Fouad Mursi, «The Present Arab Crisis- From a Tribe to
a Nation,» Al Safir, June 8, 1989.
- Karim Mroweh, «The Need for a New Revolutionary
Movement and a New Revolutionary Theory,» AI! Safir, July
6,1989.
- Suleiman Taqi Al Deen, «The Features of the New Arab
Order,» Al Safir, May 31, 1989.
- Dr. Sa’ad Al Deen Ibrahim, «Mubarak, the Summit and a
New Arab Order,» Al Qabas, May 27, 1989. @
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