Democratic Palestine : 36 (ص 28)
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- Democratic Palestine : 36 (ص 28)
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right down to the recent arrests. The
parties are banned aud the public
forums in which they work, such as
trade unions, are themselves subject to
restrictions, banning and other harass-
ment. Moreover, some of these parties
have suffered from internal problems,
and both before and during the elec-
tion campaign, coordination between
the leftist and nationalist forces was
minimal or non-existent.
With the Muslim Brotherhood con-
trolling almost half the parliament, it
can obviously exert a significant influ-
ence on legislation and government
policy if it so choses. The goal of the
movement was clearly stated by Sheikh
Hammam Said: «We will work hand-
in-hand...to make this country an
Islamic country in all means and to
make Islam the source of ail its laws»
(AP, November 6th). This has lead
some to raise the question of whether
the Muslim Brotherhood will consti-
tute the opposition, or whether it will
work to destroy the relative democracy
that brought its candidates into the
parliament. In actual fact, however,
the Muslim Brotherhood is the reserve
force of the regime, serving to keep
the society conservative and thus
underpinning the monarchy. Past
experience shows that, despite radical-
sounding rhetoric, the Muslim
Brotherhood will not oppose _ the
regime on significant national issues
concerning the conflict with Israel, or
the Palestinian question. Certainly,
their program is contrary to the mea-
sures needed to resolve the economic
and social crisis in Jordan, and there is
a danger that they will work for social
legislation that will restrict the masses’
social rights, and be used by the
regime to suppress the progressive
forces. Already, during the election
campaign, the Brotherhood was the
main responsible for whipping up con-
servative attitudes whereby no woman
candidate was elected.
The other pole to be evaluated is the
leftist and nationalist forces. Though
they failed to gain sufficient seats to
exert much influence on policy, the
elections have created a new situation
28
WATT
for their work. They have new oppor-
tunities to use their voices in parlia-
ment to raise public debate and con-
sciousness concerning domestic and
regional problems - from the need for
radical economic reform to Jordan’s
role in relation to the Palestinian ques-
tion in the era of the intifada. There
are new somewhat broader, margins of
democracy for work among the mas-
ses, in unions, etc. Concurrently, there
is a new chance to structure the coor-
dination among them in order to pur-
sue parliamentary and mass work more
effectively.
The new situation has a dual nature:
On the one hand, the regime was
forced into the elections by the com-
bined impact of the April revolt and
the Palestinian intifada, forcing it to
reevaluate its policy in a number of
fields. On the other hand, the regime
is trying to turn this to its own advan-
tage, developing a more democratic
facade in order to enhance its own sta-
bility and prestige. The ability of the
nationalist and leftist forces to chart a
course that utilizes the new democratic
opportunities to press for fundamental
change, is a crucial factor in the com-
ing period.
The parliament convened on
November 27, in order to elect its:
president. The independent MP
Suleiman Arrar won over MP Yusef
Al Mubaideen who was nominated by
the Muslim Brotherhood. In this ses-
sion, a committee was formed to
respond to the king’s speech.
The Council of Notables (Senate) -
which includes forty prominent figures
(retired officials, officers and heads of
leading tribes, etc.), appointed by the
king, also convened to elect a presi-
dent and form a similar committee to
respond to the King’s speech. This
council functions as a supplementary
legislative body. Its main function is to
discuss issues of concern to the parlia-
ment and give its opinion.
After parliamentary life was revived
in Jordan, the Council of the Nation -
which includes members of both the
parliament and the Notables’ Council -
held its first session, where the King
gave his speech. In it, he promised to
lift the ban on political organizations.
This decision is conditioned on the fact
that lifting the ban is not contrary to
the new national charter which in turn
must conform to the constitution. He
mentioned that a royal committee will
soon be formed to write the text of the
national charter, which will then be
ratified by a popular referendum.
The king said that the new govern-
ment would revive the existing laws
that have become an obstacle to social
progress. This will provide the special
courts sufficient leeway to exercise
their duties more efficiently. He con-
firmed that the government will com-
bat corruption, economic crime and
criminals.
On the political level, the king jus-
tified severing ties with the West Bank
by saying that the uprising had begun
a new stage in the Palestinian struggle:
The Palestinian people have declared
their adherence to the land and their
struggle for their just cause. The deci-
sion was also a result of the Arab wish
to accentuate the Palestinian cause as a
people’s struggle for national indepen-
dence. The Palestinian leadership has
welcomed it. He emphasized that the
Palestinian leadership has diligently
worked to advance the peace process,
and that Israel is the party that is put-
ting obstacles; he reaffirmed Jordan’s
commitment to an international con-
ference.
It was noteworthy that martial law
was not annulled, even though the
revival of parliamentary life means that
the country could very well be
administered without it. The king
promised to punish those who commit
economic crimes and are proven to be
corrupt. This in itself is positive
because it’s a popular demand, but
what about those who contributed to
the deterioration of the economy, and
the present economic crisis?
In general, the speech sounded
good, but the point is whether it will
be put to practice. Th future will be
the judge of how sincere these prom-
ises are.
Democratic Palestine, December 1989 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 36
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