Democratic Palestine : 37 (ص 21)
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- Democratic Palestine : 37 (ص 21)
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and thus encourage the return of
foreign diplomatic missions that left
West Beirut from mid-1985 after a
series of attacks and kidnappings.
Despite these measures and
Lebanese, Arab and international sup-
port, the Hrawi government has not
moved towards ending Aoun’s control
of the presidential palace and East
Beirut, even though Hrawi has stated
that «the day of judgement... will be
very soon» (Guardian, December Ist).
Thus, the Lebanese government still
stands at an impasse. As the legitimate
government slides from an offensive to
a defensive position, it actually reveals
its own weakness. Despite Hrawi’s
declaration of intending to «use every-
thing to stop the partition», it seems
that the Taif agreement will remain
merely a plan (AP, January 24th).
Some of the problems faced by
Hrawi’s government are connected to
the state’s political, social and
economic structure - the corrupt,
unjust, sectarian system that has yet to
be reformed. Other problems are con-
nected to the continuing positions of
the right-wing forces, chiefly General
Aoun’s partition plan, but also Samir
Geagea’s federation scheme, and their
insistence on maintaining sectarian
privileges. Still other problems are
connected to the regional situation,
first and foremost, the continued
Israeli occupation of the «security
zone» in South Lebanon and the pre-
sence of Antoine Lahd’s proxy South
Lebanese Army there. Thus, Hrawi’s
anticipated quick operation to nor-
malize the situation in Beirut has yet
to materialize. The legitimate
Lebanese government has been unable
to use force to end Aoun’s partitionist
position, because it has waited for con-
crete international support for such a
move, and this has not been forthcom-
ing.
France and the Vatican bear part of
the responsibility for the continuation
of the crisis, for their line has been to
deny the government the right of using
East Beirut
every means possible to restore Leba-
non’s unity. Despite proclaimed sup-
port, in practice they take a hostile
position towards the Lebanese govern-
ment and the Arab solution to the
crisis. The statement of the papal nun-
cio to Lebanon, Pablo Puente, made
clear the Vatican’s role of protecting
the rightists in East Beirut. He said
that he will work for a «sincere and
loyal dialogue among all parties, taking
into account above all those in a weak
position, who fear for their future and
that of the country» (A/ Safir, January
8th). The French government’s
attempts to have the Taif accord
amended have the same objective.
Both aim at imposing Aoun as a
negotiator, which would lead to recog-
nizing two governments in Lebanon
and the maintenance of sectarian
privileges. Added to this is the US
position which, despite the State
Department’s call for Aoun to step
down, has not changed essentially.
This is best illustrated in the continued
support to Israel and US failure to
concretely back any settlement in
which it is not a main broker.
Behind the current crisis, Israeli
interference looms as the most formid-
able challenge to Lebanon’s unity, with
its Ongoing occupation in South Leba-
non and support to the pro-partition
rightist forces. Continuing air strikes,
such as the two raids on Souih Leba-
non in January, leave no doubt as to
the aggressive Israeli aims of keeping
Lebanon in chaos and division. An end
to Aoun’s statelet would be a blow to
the Israeli plans. As stated by Eliahu
Ben Elissar, head of the Knesset Sec-
urity and Foreign Affairs Committee,
«Defeating Aoun doesn’t serve the
interests of Israel or the free world»
(Al Safir, December 2nd).
In view of these obstacles, the legiti-
mate Lebanese authorities have been
unable to restore Lebanon’s unity and
stability. Current events show that
there will be no peace without a radi-
cal political solution to end_fac-
tionalism. Otherwise, there can only
be temporary truces that feed into new
wals.
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