Democratic Palestine : 39 (ص 21)
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- عنوان
- Democratic Palestine : 39 (ص 21)
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Turkey Ten Years After
Renewed Repression and Revolutionary Upsurge
Ten years have passed since the fascist military coup of September
12, 1980 took place in Turkey. Recently, developments bearing
highly significant consequences in terms of their dimensions and
range of influence have been taking place in the domestic and
foreign arenas of Turkey’s political affairs. A brief look at the
period extending from the September 12th fascist coup to the pre-
sent day, will be helpful in clarifying the actual course of these
dynamics and the role of certain events within this process.
by Filiz Cetin
The September 12th coup arrived
with a program comprising the following
issues: (a)to overcome the political crisis,
(b)to overcome the economic crisis, (c)to
eradicate the revolutionary struggle, and
(d)to restructure the Turkish economy.
The political crisis had drained any possi-
bility of a parliamentary solution: The
parliament had not been able to elect a
president of the state for over a year.
With all the deputies moving from one
party to the other, in exchange for per-
sonal benefits, and widespread corrup-
tion, no one had any respect for the
institution. The government, with its ina-
bility to put an end to the daily killings
and attacks, had lost all credibility. The
economic crisis had paralyzed the
bourgeoisie. There was a great shortage
of hard currency; investments had stop-
ped; the country could not pay its debts;
lack of hard currency threatened
imports; high unemployment and infla-
tion had decreased the buying power of
the population; and there were wide-
spread strikes.
The revolutionary struggle was win-
ning ever wider recognition each day in
the face of the deteriorating living condi-
tions of the masses and their increasing
dissatisfaction. This had to be suppressed
in order for the austerity measures pre-
scribed by the IMF and World Bank to be
carried out to the letter without any
opposition from the masses who would
bear the brunt of these measures. The
brutal nature of these measures would
surely contribute to the development of
even closer organic links between the
revolutionary forces and the masses. The
bourgeoisie was aware of the potential
threat such a situation would pose to the
regime.
The division of labor within the
imperialist hierarchy had assigned Tur-
key the new role of opening up its domes-
tic market to foreign competition and
adopting the Friedman model as used in
Chile. To achieve this transformation of
an economic structure where industry
was basically oriented toward the domes-
tic market into an _ export-oriented
economy which opens its domestic mar-
ket to foreign business, finance capital
needed to have complete control over all
resources. This in turn demanded total
submission and silence on the part of the
masses who would be suffering under the
pressure of soaring prices, fixed wages,
increasing unemployment, and official
and non-official plunder sanctified under
the slogan of activating all inert
resources.
Within the framework of this prog-
ram, all mass organizations were banned,
and campaigns of arrest and manhunt
were carried out. An atmosphere of
pacification, depolitization and de-
featism was imposed on the popula-
tion. Repression was exerted against
all centers of influence that could
cause the regime problems in its drive
to reorganize the country. The nascent
armed struggle in Kurdistan got its
share of the repression too. By ban-
ning all parties and blocking even any
bourgeois opposition, the regime tried
to monopolize the political life. All
this was realized through the employ-
ment of systematic state terrorism, tor-
ture and massacres which were to keep
Turkey constantly on the black lists of
Amnesty International and _ other
human rights organizations. Policies
were implemented aiming to create
new generations in total compliance
with the system, and to strengthen
religious and fascist trends among the
masses. The goal was to freeze class
struggle and to provide the atmosphere
allowing the regime to go its own way
without any second thoughts.
What do we see as the tenth
year ends?
—The working class has gone out
on the streets in various forms of pro-
test and demonstrations. Tens of
thousands are on strike, with the
number planned to rise to over a
hundred thousand in September. An
explosion in late January, killing 67
workers in a coal mine, evoked wide-
spread protests all over the country, in
factories and in universities. Mune
workers, their families and _ the
townspeople refused to allow a state
ceremony to be held at the funeral and
booed the representatives of the
bourgeois parties and the government.
—Peasants, especially the tobacco
and tea growers, are very desperate.
Ten thousand tobacco producers de-
monstrated for over a week in the
Aegean region in February, protesting
the very low prices set by the govern-
ment. They attacked local offices of
the ruling Motherland Party (ANAP),
destroyed the shops of tobacco mer-
chants and blocked highways. Whole
villages went on hunger strike, protest-
ing the ever deepening poverty.
—In universities and high schools,
the youth’s democratic struggle is rising
against the depoliticizing, reactionary
education system, against the presence of
police forces at educational institutions,
and for the right to establish student
unions. Progressive youth are waging a
difficult struggle to break open the shell
of silence and fear imposed on young
minds during the reign of state terror.
—Over a thousand political prison-
ers are currently on hunger strike in nine >
21 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 39
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