Democratic Palestine : 40 (ص 8)

غرض

عنوان
Democratic Palestine : 40 (ص 8)
المحتوى
two dead bodies were removed.» Samples of the spray,
which formed a reddish powder on the walls of the room,
were sent to the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) for analysis. Hiddlestone thought the agent was «a
sort of nerve gas» (quoted in Alofs, op. cit., p. 45).
Israel’s indiscriminate use of these various poisonous
gases against the Palestinian population in the occupied ter-
ri.ories is a form of chemical warfare. Indeed, Ben Alofs
maintains that, «The criminal use of harassing agents, being
essentially chemical warfare agents, is a violation of the
Geneva Conventions and the Protocol of Geneva on chem-
ical warfare. As such, public or state prosecutors in charge
of prosecuting war crimes should investigate whether there
is sufficient ground to file charges against Israeli military
personnel who are directly responsible, and against the
authorities who have political responsibility...» (Alofs, op.
cit., p. 51).
Injury that is much more difficult to quantify and
analyze is the psychological effect of Israeli violence on the
Palestinian population. There is hardly a family in the
occupied territories that has been left untouched by the vio-
lence in one form or another. At the beginning of the
intifada, a Gazan psychologist reported a_ substantial
decrease in cases of anxiety and depression, and related this
to the new feelings of empowerment brought by the upris-
ing. But as the brutality of the occupation forces has
increased with time, the psychological toll is being felt
among the population, particularly children.
PHR reported that such violence derails normal adoles-
cent development, «already distorted by profound feelings
of futurelessness, by the prospect of menial employment,
even for the highly educated, and by a sense of loss of
national identity.» The closing of schools has massively
interfered with necessary education and job training, thus
making future prospects for thousands of Palestinians even
more bleak. When the time comes, reddjusting to «normal»
life - one without pitched street battles with soldiers, deten-
tion and curfews - will certainly prove difficult for many.
For the thousands of small children whose parents are
unable to protect them and who have repeatedly witnessed
scenes of violence, often against their own family members,
the consequences may be profound and long-term, accord-
ing to PHR. «[They] are at risk of chronic anxiety and irrita-
bility, childhood depression, sleeplessness and nightmares,
and disturbances of maturation.» The consequences for chil-
HUI
dren who have been direct victims of this violence are even
more disturbing. PHR maintains that for the children who
are witnessing or directly experiencing this violence, «there
can be lifelong effects, distorting the perceptions of a whole
generation, with consequences not only for their own lives
but for the political future and the lives of a next generation
as well.» This point was vividly illustrated in a vignette
relayed by a West Bank Palestinian to a group of peacenik
Israelis: «While walking with my two-year-old son, an army
jeep slowly drove past and a soldier in the back began star-
ing at us. I noticed that my son was staring directly back at
the soldier, not blinking even for an instant. After a few
moments of this, the soldier became visibly nervous and
fidgety as my son continued to stare at him. The soldier sud-
denly burst out singing - whether to distract himself or my
son, ’m not sure. You all had better make peace with me
now before you’re forced to make peace with my son later.»
Negative effects notwithstanding, clearly the Palesti-
nians are willing to suffer the consequences of Israeli vio-
lence to achieve their political goals. Indeed, the psycholog-
ical consequences of giving up and reverting back to the
situation under occupation before the intifada would be far
more intolerable.
The international response
Several international organizations have responded to
the medical crisis in the occupied territories, including
UNRWA, the ICRC and Amnesty International (AI). The
responses have ranged from detailed reports condemning
the extensive use of force and misuse of tear gas by the
Israeli army issued by AI, to direct material aid. The latter
has included the transfer of ambulances to the Palestinian
Red Crescent by the ICRC and proposed support by
UNRWA for an extension of Al Ahli Hospital in Gaza.
Most recently, the European Community announced in July
that it was contributing $2.3 million for physiotherapy, basic
health care and to train medical staff in the occupied ter-
ritories.Material aid in this form meets rather than by-passes
the commitment to self-reliance that is at the heart of the
intifada by supporting existing Palestinian institutions.
UNRWA, in addition, has takes steps to transform its
medical services - normally geared towards out-patient and
mother-and-child care - to deal with the thousands of seri-
ously injured casualties of the uprising. Clinic hours have
been extended, extra medical personnel hired, medical
A Palestinian Red Crescent team in the West Bank
-George Azar
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هو جزء من
Democratic Palestine : 40
تاريخ
أغسطس ١٩٩٠
المنشئ
الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير فلسطين

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