Democratic Palestine : 40 (ص 13)
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- Democratic Palestine : 40 (ص 13)
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The ironic thing 1s that it you ask almost anybody what he
believes, he will essentially respond with our program. Maybe
he’s not a socialist, but he wants all Palestine, he wants the
refugees to return and he won’t say he’s against the Jews.
Research conducted by a professor at Haifa University con-
cluded that between 30 and 40 percent of the Palestinians inside
Israel support the program of Abna Al Balad. As well, more
than 60 percent of the Arab population inside the green line is
under 18 years old. This is relected in Abna Al Balad, the major-
ity of whose members are youths. The future is ours. There have
been no immediate results from our program, but if you look to
the future you have to be very optimistic. But in the meantime
something has happened: the position of the PLO changed. In
the past we have supported the PLO’s position, but now we’re
facing political problems with the PLO also, not only with the
authorities and other forces inside Israel.
What, then, is Abna Al Balad’s view of the last PNC,
at which the PLO accepted UN resolutions 242 and
338 and recognized Israel’s right to exist?
We are against these positions, but the masses began to ask
us: Are you more patriotic than Arafat? Before we’ve rep-
resented the positions of the PLO; now we are against them so
we have a problem with the masses. When the people see that
we’re militant - raising the Palestinian flag in every demonstra-
tion, etc. - and that the other forces aren’t doing anything, they
appreciate our sacrifices and continue to respect our position.
But they’re still afraid to join us because we’re suffering attacks
from the authorities, firstly, but also because the masses see
Abu Ammar as a symbol. They’ve criticized this position of
ours. When the splits occurred in Fatah and the PLO after 1982,
and after we strongly criticized Arafat for the Amman agree-
ment (with the Jordanian regime), we lost mass support because
people saw us as being against Arafat. But now we’re con-
solidating our mass support in a clear political program. We are
not afraid of what is going to happen now. We look towards the
future.
The «interim solution» holds nothing for us, nor do the slo-
gans of the intifada - liberation and independence. They speak
of liberation and independence for the Palestinians on the West
Bank and Gaza Strip, and we’re not an integral part of the
intifada there. Not because they don’t want us, but because
objectively speaking we are not part of the intifada. So this kind
of independence and liberation does not include us. Neverthe-
less, we are preparing ourselves for the future when the masses
will discover that our position is the correct one. Anyway, a
Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza is nowa dream after
the formation in Israel of the nght-wing government. Shamir
and Sharon will agree to a Palestinian state? The whole situation
now has changed and every organization must rethink its posi-
tions. Our program is the correct one until now, but that doesn’t
mean the people will join as members. We have organizational
problems. Until now we’ve able to organize all the people who
agree with our program. We haven’t cadres who can do this kind
of organizing. As well, our financial situation is very bad.
What repressive measures have the authorities
taken against you personally and Abna Al Balad in
general!
I was under house arrest for a period amounting to four
years during the years 1980 to 1987. I was put under‘administra-
tive detention at the beginning of the intifada after the big
«peace day» strike. Every year, after everything we did -
demonstrations, raising flags, writing slogans on the walls - they
would come to arrest me and some other comrades for some
days. These short arrests - 15 days, 8 days, etc. - have become
Democratic Palestine, July-August 1990
part of our lives. Also, I lost my job as a teacher which I had held
for 14 years. I was fired by military order while still in prison
under administrative detention. It was a gift they presented to:
me on Land Day 1988.
Why haven’t they just banned Abna Al Balad?
Branches of Abna Al Balad have been banned, like the one
at Hebrew University. They took a decision in the Knesset to
ban it and gave the defense minister the responsibility of carry-
ing it out, but then the government collapsed and he couldn’t.
Now I guess they’ll carry out the banning order. They threaten
us all the time with this. I think they learned from the Al Ard
experience that banning us will not help them. I told them in
court that if you ban us, hundreds of youths from our organiza-
tion will go underground with their activities, which will make
them stronger. They don’t want this. They want us to continue
operating in the open so they can control us. Anyway, the objec-
tive situation is not ready for underground struggle. Until now,
our only option is to remain legal. This is a balance that has been
struck between us and them. Maybe eventually they will doit.
What are the achievements of Abna Al Balad?
Until now, our biggest achievement has probably been con-
solidating our program and fighting the authorities and paying
the price to make Abna Al Balad legal. Don’t think that it is an
easy thing to say that we want a democratic secular state in Pales-
tine. The authorities interpret this to mean that we want to
destroy Israel. Our main achievement, I think, is represented by
our statements and positions and the Palestinian flag we raise all
the time in every strike and demonstration. We represent some-
thing different from all the other forces. We’re swimming
against the tide: we’re against the majority inside the green line,
the majority in the PLO, the authorities and Zionism. We’re a
small organization; don’t think that we’re thousands of com-
rades. But we’re active like a big party, like the CP. Every place
they’re fighting we’re fighting. We’re represented in all the
Arab committees inside the green line. We’re an integral part of
the leadership of the Arabs, and we’re the opposition to all the
forces there. We’re continuing to struggle while waiting for bet-
ter times. We have an interest in the establishment of a Palesti-
nian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. We want to see if
this state will help or be a big prison for all the Palestinian left.
So you do support the establishment of a Palestinian
state on the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
We think that this stage will then pass and other stages will
begin. National and political achievements are connected to the
refugees. What will happen with them? What will the leadership
of the Palestinian people do with them? How will it solve their
problem? If one million return to live inside the green line,
imagine what will happen. We will immediately become two
million inside Israel, and this will open other avenues of strug-
gle. I believe in this; if I didn’t, I wouldn’t struggle. Why should I
be pessimistic? But it is difficult. Nobody imagined this big
Jewish immigration from the Soviet Union, not even the Israeli
authorities. Everything has changed now.
In the last local council elections, Islamic forces
were successful. How did this happen?
There are many reasons for it happening. First, there is an
increase in the power of Islamic forces not only inside the green
line, but also in the West Bank and Gaza. Sometimes Hamas has
an equal balance of power with all the PLO factions in calling
strikes. Also in Jordan, Egypt, Algeria and Iran they’ve gained
strength. We’re not alone, not exceptions in this; it’s happened
13 - هو جزء من
- Democratic Palestine : 40
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- المنشئ
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